Диплом: Конверсионное словообразование прилагательных цветообозначения. Методика преподавния в нач.классах
II. Theoretical part___________________________4.
III. Practical part_____________________________32.
VI. Appendix I______________________________39.
VII. Appendix II_____________________________40.
VIII. Appendix III____________________________43.
IX. Appendix IV_____________________________46.
X. Appendix V ______________________________48.
XI. Appendix VI_____________________________51.
XII. Appendix VII____________________________53.
This diploma paper is the logic continuation of course paper. The choice of a
theme of this paper is caused by the small studying of this question by way
of teaching it in primary school. The word-formation, as one of branches of
lexicon, is a difficult and volumetric question, therefore requires the
careful studying. The basic theme of this paper is the question on
conversion, as the most productive way of a word-formation however the other
kinds of formation of new words: prefix and suffix word-formation, also are
mentioned. The special place is allocated for productivity of adjectives of a
colourmarking. Having the rather large ability to formation the new words it
is interesting the fact, that formed from them by any of ways of a word, it
is more often nouns, formed on conversion, have a tendency to enter into the
structure of various phraseologies, phraseological word combinations, that
speaks about connection between phraseological and word-formation systems of
The paper consists of two basic parts: theoretical and practical ones, which
examine one problems, but from the different corners of sight. The
theoretical part includes some subitems. At first it is necessary to tell
some words about the term "word", which is the main one in the paper and
should be definite. The term "word" is taken to denote the smallest
independent unit of speech susceptible of being used in isolation. Also it is
impossible to disregard the definition of the field of word-formation. The
mention about affix (suffix and prefix) word-formation in the paper is not
casual, the conversion is more productive way, in comparison with them,
because the formation of new words on conversion is possible practically from
any part of speech, including prepositions and proper names. Speaking about
the abilities to a word-formation of colourmarking adjectives, it is
necessary to note three ways, on which this process passes: The suffix,
conversion word-formation and the word addition way , though the more often
English language prefers a word combination. Also the formation of derivative
verbs on conversion is typical for the English language.
Having analysed some courses of studying the foreign language it was
interesting to find out, that the conversion is not mentioned at all there,
though, being one of the most productive ways of a word-formation, could be
a good way of updating the child’s active and passive vocabulary. Taking into
account the opportunities, which are given by the knowledge of this way of
formation the new words, it is easy to estimate a role of studying this
material at school, it is natural that the beginning of presenting some
items of this phenomenon to children is necessary to start from that
moment, as soon as the children would have the sufficient lexical base for
this purpose. It is possible to consider the third year of training as the
most successful moment for the beginning of presenting the essence of this
phenomenon to children. For confirmation of this hypothesis three experiments
were spent: ascertaining, forming and control ones, with group of children
studying the English the third year. By the purpose of all these experiments
was to establish: have the children a representation about this phenomenon,
can they acquire the offered information, is it possible to develop the skill
of using such words in their speech .
It would be desirable to note the works of some authors, which were used in
this work, such as: “English word-formation” by L. Bauer, “The categories and
types of present day word-formation” by H. Marchand, “The word-formation
abilities of colourmarking adjectives in modern German languages” by M.
II. Theoretical part.
The term «word».
The term «word» should be defined. It is taken to denote the smallest
independent, indivisible unit of speech, susceptible of being used in
isolation. A word may have a heavy stress, thought, some never take one. To
preceding the ‘infinitive’ never has a heavy stress, but it is a word as it can
be separated from the verbal stem by an adverb (as in to carefully study
). A composite may have two heavy stresses so long as it is not analyzable as a
syntactic group. There is a marked tendency in English to give prefixes full
stress thought they do not exist as independent words. Indivisible composites
such as arch-enemy, crypto-communist, unlucky, therefore are
morphological units whereas combination, like stone, wall, gold watch,
are syntactic groups. As for the criterion of indivisibility, it is said that
the article a is a word as IT can interpolate words between article and
substantive (a nice man, a very nice man, an exceptionally gifted man). But
a as in aglitter can’t be separated from the verb stem with which
it forms a group and therefore is not a free morpheme (word). With regard to
the criterion of usability, it must not be assumed that all words can be used
by themselves, in isolation. It is in the very nature of determiners like the
article the to be used in conjunction with the word they determiners.
Definition of the field of word-formation.
Word-formation is that branch of the science of language which studies the
patterns on which a language forms new lexical units, i.e. words.
Word-formation can only treat of composites which are analyzable both formally
and semantically. The study of the simple words, therefore, insofar as it is an
, unmotivated sign, has no please in it. It is a lexical matter. A composite
rests on a relationship between morphemes though which it is motivated. By this
token, do-er, un-do, rain-bow are relevant to word-formation, but
do, rain, bow are not.
Conversion is the change in form class of
a form without any corresponding change of form. Thus the change whereby the
form napalm, which has been used exclusively as a noun, came to be as a
verb (They decided to napalm the village) is a case of conversion.
The exact status of conversion within word-formation is unclear. For some
scholars (Marchand/10/) conversion is a brunch of derivation, for others
(Koziol /Marchand/10/) it is a separate type of word-formation, on a level with
derivation and compounding. Whether this distinction has any real effect on the
structure of a theory of word-formation is not clear.
frequently called zero-derivation, a term which many scholars prefer
(Adams, Jespersen, Marchand/1,5,8/). Most writers who use both terms appear to
use them as synonyms (although Marchand/10/ is an exception). However, as
Lyons/9/ points out, the theoretical implications of the two are rather
different. Cruber/2/, for example, argues that to treat ordinary derivation and
zero-derivation differently in the grammar is to lose a generalization, since
both involve changes of form class, but claims that they can only by treated
the same way, if a zero-affix is permitted. Otherwise, he says, derivation can
be treated as a rule-governed process, but zero-derivation can’t be; that is,
the relation between some napalm and to napalm and other
similar pairs must be, considered to be totally coincidental Lyon’s/9/ own view
(as noted by Matthews) is that in cases of so-called zero-derivation, an
identity operation can be said to have been carried out between the base and
the new lexeme. This means that there is a process linking the two lexeme,
napalm, lent that this process defines the form of the derived lexeme as
being identical to the form of the base. This is also more or less the line
taken by Matthews himself, when he speaks of a ‘formation involving zero
operation’. The theoretical dubiousness of speaking of zero affixes in language
leads Bauer/2/ to prefer the theoretical position enshrined in the term
‘conversion’, especially when this can be given a dynamic interpretation, and
that term will be used exclusively from now (on in this book). It should,
however, be noted that this is an area of dispute in the literature. For a
comprehensive review of the literature on conversion and a discussion of the
implication of talking in terms of zero-derivation, the reader is referred to
Conversion is an extremely productive way of producing new words in English.
There do not appear to be morphological restrictions on the forms can undergo
conversion, so that compounds, derivatives, acronyms, blends, clipped forms and
simplex words are all acceptable inputs to the conversion process. Similarly,
all ford classes seem to be able to undergo conversion, and conversion seems to
de able to produce words of almost any form class, particularly the open form
classes (noun, verb, adjective, adverb ). This seems to suggest that rather
than English having specific rules of conversion (rules allowing the conversion
of common nouns into verbs or adjectives into nouns, for example) conversion is
a totally free process and any lexeme can undergo conversion into any of the
open form classes as the need arises. Certainly, if there are constraints on
conversion they have yet to de demonstrated. The only partial restriction that
it is award of is that discussed by Marchand. Marchand/10/ points out that
derived nouns rarely undergo conversion, and particularly not to verb. This is
usually because of blocking. To take one of Marchand’s/10/ examples, a derived
noun like arrival will not de converted into a verb if that verb means
exactly the same as arrive, from which arrival is derived. In
cases where blocking is not a relevant concern, even derived nouns can undergo
conversion, as is shown by the series a sign > to sign > a signal
> to signal and to commit > commission > to commission.
The commonness of conversion can possibly be seen as breaking down the
distinction between form classes in English and leading to a system where
there are closed sets such as pronouns and a single open set of lexical that
can be used as required. Such a move could be seem as part of the trend away
from synthetic structure and towards analytic structure which has been fairly
typical of the history of English over the last millennium. This suggestion
is, of course highly speculative.
Conversion as a syntactic process.
Conversion is the use of a form which is regarded as being basically of one
form class as though it were a member of a different form class, without any
concomitant change of form. There are, however, a number of instances where
changes of this type occur with such ease and so regularly that many scholars
prefer to see that as matters of syntactic usage rather that as word-
The most obvious cases are those where the change of form class is not a major
one (such as from noun to verb or adjective to noun ) but a change from one
type of noun to another or one type of verb to another. The clearest example of
this type is the use of countable nouns as uncountable and vise versa. In
some tea, tea is used as an uncountable noun, while in two teas it
is used as a countable noun; goat is normally a countable noun, but if
a goat is being eaten it is quite in order to ask for a slice of goat,
where goat is used as an uncountable noun. In general, given a suitable
context, it is possible to use almost any noun on either way: for example, when
the Goons took part in a mountain-eating competition, it would have been
perfectly possible to ask whether anyone wanted some more mountain,
using mountain as an uncountable noun. Similarly, proper nouns can be
easily used as common nouns as in Which John do you mean? or The
Athens in Ohio is not as interesting as the Athens in Greece. Intransitive
verbs are frequently used as transitive verbs, as in He is running a horse
in the Derby or The army flew the civilians to safety. Finally,
non-gradable adjectives are frequently used as gradable adjectives, as in
She looks very French or New Zealander are said to be more English. Such
processes are very near the inflectional end of word-formation.
Another case where it is not completely clear whether or not conversion is
involved is with conversion to adjectives. This depends crucially on how an
adjective is defined. For some scholars it appears to be the case that the use
of an element in attributive position is sufficient for that element to be
classified as an adjective. By this criterion bow window, head teacher,
model airplane and stone well all contain adjectives formed by
conversion formed by conversion. However, it has already been argued that such
collocations should be seen as compounds, which makes it unnecessary to view
such elements as instances of conversion. Quirk suggest that when such elements
can occur not only in attributive position but also in predicative position, it
is possible to speak of conversion to an adjective. On the basis of:
*This window is bow
This teacher is head
*This airplane is model
This wall is stone
they would thus conclude that, in the examples above, head and stone
but not bow and model have become adjectives by conversion. But
this introduces a distinction between two kinds of modifier which is not
relevant elsewhere in the grammar and which masks a great deal of similarity.
It is therefore not clear that this suggestion is of any great value. This is
not meant to imply that conversion to an adjective is impossible, merely that
it is least controversial that conversion is involved where the form is not
used attributively. Where the form is used attributively, criteria for
concluding that conversion has taken place must be spelled out with great care.
Apart from those mentioned, possible criteria are the ability to be used in the
comparative and superlative, the ability to be modified by and very,
the ability to be used as a base for adverbial -ly or nominal -ness
suffixation. It must be pointed out that very few adjectives fit all these
Marginal cases of conversion.
There are cases of change in form class from a verb to a noun and from a verb to
an adjective which do not involve any affixation, but which are not clearly
instances of conversion. These are cases there is a shift of stress, frequently
with a concomitant change in segmental form, but no change in the
morphophonemic form (or in the orthography). Established examples of verb
>noun shift kind are abstract, discount, import, refill, transfer
Gimson/2/, and of verb > adjective shift: abstract, frequent, moderate,
perfect. There is a certain amount of evidence that, at least in some
varieties of English, these distinction are no longer consistently drawn, and
such examples are becoming clear cases of conversion. Nevertheless, the pattern
is still productive, particularly so in the nominalization of phrasal verbs:
established examples are show off, walr-over and recent examples are
There is also a kind of partial conversion where a noun ending in a voiceless
fricative (but excluding / /) is turned into a verb by replacing the final
consonant with the corresponding voiced fricative. The process is no longer
productive. Examples are belief / believe, sheath / sheathe, advice /
Clear cases of conversion.
The least clear cases of conversion have been considered first, but there are
innumerable perfectly clear cases. For many types a variety of
subclassifications is possible. Thus instances of noun > verb conversion can
be classified according to whether the noun shows location (to garage the
car ) or instrument ( to hammer a nail ) and so on, or according to
formal criteria of whether the base is simplex or complex and so on. No attempt
is made below to distinguish of these kinds.
The major kinds of conversion are noun > verb, verb >noun, adjective >
noun and adjective >verb. Established examples of noun > verb conversion
are to badger, to bottle, to bridge, to commission, to mail, to mushroom,
to skin, to vacation. Recent examples are to chopper, to data-dank, to
leaflet, to network, and to trash. Established examples of verb
>noun conversion are a call, a command, a dump, a guess, a spy
and recent examples are a commute, a goggle, and an interrupt.
Established examples of adjective > verb conversion are to better, to
dirty, to empty, to faint, to open, to right and a recent example is to
total (a car). Established examples of adjective >noun conversion are
relatively rare and are frequently restricted in their syntactic occurrence.
For example, the poor cannot be made plural or have any other
determiner. Less restricted examples are a daily, a regular, a roast.
This type seems to have become much more productive recently, and recent
examples includes a creative, a crazy, a double, a dyslexic, a gay, a
given, a nasty.
Prepositions, conjunctions, adverbs, interjections and even affixes can all act
as bases of conversion, as in shown by to up (prices), but me no
buts, the hereafter, to heave-no (a recent example) and a maxi
(this might be a case of clipping). Moreover, most of these form classes can
undergo conversion into more than one form class, so that a preposition
down, for example, can become a verb (he downed his beer), a noun (
he has a down on me) and possibly an adjective (the down train).
Extrocentric phrase compounds might also be classified here as instances of
conversion of whole phrase. Established examples where the phrase acts as a
noun are an also-ran, a forget-me-not, a has-been and a recent examples
as a don’t-know. An established example where the phrase acts as an
adjective is under-the-weather.
Derivation by a zero-morpheme.
The term ‘zero-derivation’.
Derivation without a derivative morpheme occurs in English as well as mother
languages. Its characteristic is that a certain stem is used for the formation
of a categorically different word without a derivative element being added. In
synchronic terminology, they are syntagmas whose determinatum is not expressed
in the significant (form). The significate (content) is represented in the
syntagma but zero marked (i.e. it has no counterpart in form): loan vb
‘(make up) loan’, look substantive is ‘(act, instance of) look(ing)’.
As the nominal and verbal forms which occur most frequently have no ending end
(a factor which seems to have played a part in the coining of the term
‘conversion’ by Kruisinga/8/) are those in which nouns and verbs are recorded
in dictionaries, such words as loan, look may come to be considered as
‘converted’ nouns or verbs. It has become customary to speak of the
‘conversion’ of substantive adjectives and verbs. The term ‘conversion’ has
been used for various things. Kruisinga/8/ himself speaks of conversion
whenever a word takes on function which is not its basic one, as the use of an
adjective as a primary (the poor, the British, shreds of pink, at his best
). He includes quotation words (his «I don’t knows») and the type
stone wall (i.e. substantives used as preadjuncts). One is reminded of
Bally’s ‘transposition’. Koziol/10/ follows Kruisinga’s/8/ treatment and
Biese/4/ adopts the same method. Their standpoints is different. The foregoing
examples illustrate nothing but syntactic patterns. That poor
(presented by the definite article, restricted to the plural, with no plural
morpheme added) can function as a primary, or that government, as in
government job, can be used as preadgunct, is a purely syntactic matter. At
the most it could be said, with regard to the poor, that an
inflectional morpheme understood but zero marked. However inflectional
morphemes have a predominantly function character while the addition of lexical
content is of secondary importance. As for government job the syntactic
use of primary as a preadjunct is regularly unmarked, so no zero morpheme can
be claimed. On the other hand, in government-al, -al adds lexical
content, be it ever so little: ‘pertaining to characterizing government’.
Therefore governmental is a syntagma while government (job) is
not. That the phrase jar-off can be used as a preadjunct is again a
syntactic matter. Characterized adverbs do not develop such functions in any
case. We will not therefore, used the term conversion. As a matter of fact,
nothing is converted, but certain stem are used for the derivation of lexical
syntagmas, with the determinatum assuming a zero form. For similar reasons, the
term ‘functional change’ is infelicitous. The term itself doesn’t enter another
functional category, which becomes quite evident when it is considered the
Endings and derivation.
In inflected languages the derivant and derivative usually have a characteristic
nominal or verbal ending. But, ending are not derivative morphemes. When
English was still a more amply inflected language, the present type existed,
but inflectional differences were more in evidence. Cf. the OE verbs
besceopian, fugelian, gamenian, hearmian, freon (freogian), dernian and
their respective bases besceop, fugol, and the weakening of ending was
little bearing on this subject. With regard to denominate derivation, however,
it is interesting to note that the levelling of endings brought about the loss
of distinction in ME between the OE conjugations. The -an of
ryth-an as well as the -ian of loc-ian resulted in -en.
This reducted the number of patterns for denominal verbs to one.
Derivation connection between verbs and nouns.
With respect to both denominal verbs (type loan verb f. loan
substantive) and deverbal substantives (type look substantive f look
verb) it can be seen that as early as Old English a derivational connection
existed between the present-infinitive stem of weak verb on the one hand and
the stem of nouns on the other. As for deverbal substantive, there was some
competition in the early stages of the language. Like other Germanic languages,
Old English had strong verbs that were connected with substantives containing
an ablaut vowel of the verb (ridan/rad, bindan/bend, beran/bora).
However , this derivational type was unproductive so far back as Old English.
The present-infinitive stem of strong verbs came to be felt to represent the
derivative basis for deverbal substantives in exactly the same way as did the
corresponding stem of weak verbs: ride verb/ride substantive=look verb/look
substantive. But this contention of Biese’s/4/ needs qualification: ‘these
facts indicate the resistance should by strong verbs to the process of
converting them into nouns before, owing to the introduction of weak
inflections, a distinct idea of a universal verb-stem had been developed’. Many
of the verbs had weak forms that derived substantives at an early date have
either never had weak forms are rare or later than the substantives. Verbs such
as bite, fall, feel, fold, freeze, have, grind, hide make steal, tread
are cases in point. This goes to show that the existence of weak verb forms is
incidental to the rise of a derivational connection between the present
infinitive stem of strong verbs and the stem of substantive.
This derivational connection is partly due to class where a strong verb and a
substantive of the same root existed in OE and where phonetic development
resulted in closely resembling forms for both in ME. OE for, faru was
fare by the end of the 12th century while the corresponding OE
verb faran had reached the stage of faren or fare about
the same time. Other examples of pairs are bidan ‘stay’/bid
‘delay, dwelling place’, bindan ‘bind’/bind ‘band, tie’,
drincan ‘drink’/drinc, drinca ‘drink’, fleotan ‘float’/
fleot ‘place, where water flows’, helpan ‘help’/help, hreowan
‘rue’/hreow ‘rue’, slepan ‘sleep’/sl p, slep ‘sleep’. The
derivational relation as it have been described them were fully established
Zero-derivation as a «specifically English process».
It is usually assumed that the loss of ending gave rise to derivation by a zero
morpheme. Jespersen/7/ gives a somewhat to simplifying picture of its rise and
development . ‘As a great many native nouns and verbs had...come be identical
in form..., as the same things happened with numerous originally French
words..., it was quite natural that the speech-instinct should take it as a
matter of course that whenever the need of a verb arose, it might be formed
without any derivative ending from the corresponding substantive’. He called
the process ‘specifically English’. As a matter of fact, derivation by a zero
morpheme is neither specifically English nor does it start, as Jespersen’s/7/
presentation would make it appear when most ending had disappeared. Biese’s/4/
study shows quit clearly that it began to develop on a larger scale at the
beginning of the 13th century , i.e. at a time when final verbal
-n had not yet been dropped, when the plural ending of the present was not
yet -en or zero, and when the great influx of French loan words had not
yet started. Bauer/2/ doesn’t think that the weakening of the inflectional
system had anything to do with the problem of zero derivation. Stems are
immediate elements for the speaker, who is aware of the syntagmatic character
of an inflected form. He therefor has no trouble in connecting verbal and
nominal stems provided they occur in sufficiently numerous pairs to establish a
derivational pattern. In Latin which is a highly inflected language, denominal
verbs are numerous: corona/coronare, catena/catenare, lacrima/lacrimare;
cumulus/cumulare, locus/locare, truncus/truncare, nomen, nomin-/nominare;
sacer/sacrare. In Modern Spanish there are full sets of verbal ending
(though in the declension only gender and number are expressed) both types of
zero-derivation are very productive. The weakening of the inflectional system
in English, therefor , can’t have much to do with development of
On the other hand, it cannot be denied that despite the relative productivity of
corresponding derivational types in other languages, the derivative range the
English patterns, that of denominal verbs, is still greater. The explanation of
this seems to de that English, unlike Latin, French, Spanish, or German, never
had any competitive types. So, whenever a derivation was made nouns, it
followed the one pattern that existed, i.e. derivation by zero morpheme. The
only derivative morphemes PE has for denominal verbs are -ate, -ize, -ify.
They have restricted range of derivative force: -ate is latinizing and
leaned, -ify is learned while -ize is chiefly technical. All
three derive almost exclusively on a Latin morphologic basis. The suffixal type
dark-en was not originally a deadjectival pattern; in any case, it would
have to a certain extent rivaled the type idle verb f. Idle
adjective only. Derivation by a morpheme, esp. The type loan verb
f. Loan substantive, must therefore be considered the norm and is quite
naturally very strong in English. In German, there are many competitive types.
It is bath mutated and unmutated verbs (faul-en, hart-en, draht-en,
haut-en). There are also denominal verbs with a derivative morpheme (
stein-ig-en, rein-ig-en; with a foreign morpheme telefon-ier-en,
lack-ier-en ). In addition, German makes use of the prefixes be-, er-,
ver-. Such types as ver-rohen, ver-jung-er, vergrosser-n; er-kalt-en,
er-leichter-n; be-end-ig-en, be-herz-ig-en, ver-eid-ig-en have no
counterparts in English. English be- has never played a serious role in
denominal derivation. Nor has the type em-bed ever become productive to
any larger extent. The productivity of the type loan verb f. Loan
substantive seems to be thus reasonably for. The deverbal type look
substantive f. Look verb has been less prolific and is partly bound
up with certain syntactic patterns of grouping. For this, it is do had
competitive patterns. There are the suffixal types arriv-al, break-ade,
guid-ance, improve-ment, organiz-ation and the verbal substantive type
writ-ing though the latter has now chiefly role of deriving action nouns
proper. This is the reason why so many zero-derivatives from verbs of Latin and
French origin, coined the 15th and 16th centuries, were
subsequently replaced by suffixal derivatives in -al, -age, -ance, ment.
«After 1650 the suffix formation have completely gained the upper hand of the
direct conversion of the disyllabic and trisyllabic words derived from French
and Latin verbs»(Biese/4/).
Zero-derivation with loan-words.
As for Latin and French words and derivation from, there are comparatively few
derivatives before (Biese/4/). French words were for some time felt to be
foreign elements and were not «converted» with the same ease as native stems
were. The phenomenon is in no way different from the one it is observed with
derivation by suffixes. Loan words remain strangers for a time, and it usually
takes time before a derivation type is applied to a heterogeneous class of
words. Zero - derivation was facilitated by the eo-existence of borrowed
substantives and verbs., as anchor substantive a 880 (=L) / anchor
verb e 1230 (the OED has doubts, but F ancrer is recorded in the 12
th e., as Bloeh ). Account substantive 1260/verb 1303, change
substantive 1225/verb 1230, charge substantive 1225/verb 1297, cry
substantive 1275/verb 1225, dance substantive 1300/verb 1300, double
adjective 1225/verb 1290, doubt substantive 1225/verb 1225, poison
substantive 1230/verb 13.., rule substantive 1225/verb 1225.
There are quite a few verbs with French roods for which no French verbs are
recorded and which may accordingly be treated as zero derivatives: feeble
verb 1225/adjective 1175, hardy verb 1225/adjective 1225, master
verb 1225/substantive a 1000, pool verb 1275/adjective 1200, saint
verb 1225/substantive 1175. On the other hand, the substantive grant
1225 may be derived from the verb grant 1225. It is only after 1300 that
the process of zero-derivation is as firmly rooted with French as with native
words. Though French originals for later English words may occur, it is just as
safe to consider them as derivatives, as centre verb 1610 fr,
centre substantive 1374, combat verb 1564 fr, combat
substantive 1567 (or the reverse), guard verb 1500 fr, guard
substantive 1426 and others.
Words of Scandinavian origin were more easily incorporated than French words,
and derivation occurs as early as the 13th c.: trist
«trust», boon «ask as a boon, pray for», brod «shoot, sprout»,
smithy «make into a smithy» a.o. (see Biese /4/).
The illustration of various types.
Type loan verb fr. loan substantive
Many PE verbs. go back to OE : answer (andsharu / andswarian), blossom
(blostm / blostnian), claw (clawu / clawian), fish (fisc / fiscian), fire (fyr
/ fytian), harm (hearm / hearmian),wonder (wundor / wundrian), bill «strike
with the bill, peck», ground «bring to the ground», loan
(1240), back (OE), butter (OE), experiment (ME),
lamb (OE), night (OE), piece (ME), pit «cart into a
pit»(OE), plank (ME), plate (ME), plow, plough (OE),
plague (ME), priest (OE), promise (ME), prose (ME),
ridge (OE), rivet (ME), rode (ME), root (EME),
sack (OE), sauce «season» (ME), scale (ME), screen
(ME), shoulder (OE), side (OE), silver (OE), sponge
(OE), spot (ME), story (ME), streak (OE), summer
(OE), table (ME), thong (OE), tin (OE), veil
(ME), winter (OE), all before 1500.
Angle «run into a corner» (ME), balance (ME), butcher
(ME), cipher (ME), cloister (ME), coffin (ME),
collar (ME), colt «run wild as a colt» (ME), cipher (ME),
fancy (1465), fin (OE), gesture (ME), girdle (OE),
glove (OE), gossip (OE), grade (1511), husk (ME),
kennel (ME), knob (ME), ladle (OE), latch (ME),
launder (ME), lecture (ME), libel (ME), mother (OE),
neighbor (OE), place (ME), pole (ME), riddle «speak
in riddles» (OE), shell (OE), shop (ME), star (OE),
stomach «be offended» (ME), sun (OE), vision (ME), all 16
th century blanket (ME), casket (1467), lamp (ME),
leaf (OE), pilot (1530), race «run» (ME), soldier
(ME), all 17th century Capture (1541), diamond (ME),
onion (ME), stocking (1583), tour (ME), all 18th
century Scrimmage (1470), shin (OE), signal (ME),
torpedo (1520), vacation (ME), wolf «eat like a wolf» (OE),
19th century, major 1927.
It would be difficult to give a complete list of derivatives as there is an ever
growing tendency verbs from substantives without derivative morphemes. A few
recent are service, contact (1929), audition, debut, package,
chairman, page, date (1928), process (1945), waitress
(1946), pressure (not in OED or Spl.), feature (rec., as in
the play features). Mencken/11/ gives many more, most of which are, however,
It is likewise useless to try a classification to sense-groups, as there is no
class-denoting formative. The verb may denote almost any verbal action
connected with the basis of the underlying substantive. The verb bed
has or has had the meanings «spread a bed», «put to bed» (with various
implications), «go to bed», «sleep with», and there are more technical
meanings. Bladin/5/ had already pointed out that «every action or occurrence
can be designated by a verb derived from the very noun the idea of which most
easily enters the mind of the person wanting to state a fact», and if
Jespersen/7/ says that «it is difficult to give a general definition of the
sense-relation between substantive and de-substantival verbs», this is rather
an understatement. It may be recognized certain groups, as «put in ...»,
«furnish, cover, affect ...», but it should be noted that each of these senses
is only one the many which the same verb has or may have. Biese/4/, therefore,
makes no attempt at classification, and he is certainly right in doing so. It
may, however, be worthy of note that the privative sense as in dust
«remove the dust (from)» is frequent only with technical terms denoting various
kinds of dressing or cleaning. Exs are bur wool or cotton, burl cloth,
poll, pollard trees, bone, gut, scale fish.
The meaning of a certain verb is clear in a certain speech situation. That
brain means «smash the b.»,can «preserve in cans», winter
«pass the winter», is a result of given circumstances which establish the bridge
of understanding between the speaker and the person or persons spoken to.
There are derivatives from proper names, as boycott 1880 (orig. spelt
with a capital, from the name of Captain Boycott who was first boycotted),
Shanghay 1871 ‘drug and press on board a vessel’, Zeppelin 1916
‘bomb from a zeppelin’ (also clipped = zap).
Some verbs often occur in the -ing substantive only (originally or
chiefly), while finite verb forms or infinitives are not or rarely used, as
hornpiping ‘dancing a hornpipe’ (no verb rec.), slimming, orcharding
‘cultivation of fruit trees (no verb rec.). Dialling ‘the art of
construction dials’, speeching, electioneering, engineering,
parlamenteering, volunteering are the original forms. Converted cpds with
-monger for a second-word are current only in the -ing form (
merit-mongering, money-mongering etc.). Innings are not matched by
any other verb form, nor are cocking ‘cock-fighting’, hopping
‘hop-picking’, moon-shining ‘illicit distilling’ and others.
Type idle verb fr. idle adjective. (deadjectival verbs).
To the OE period go back bitter, busy, cool, fair, fat, light, open, right,
yellow (obs black, bright, dead, strong, old).
From the period between about 1150 and 1200 are recorded obs sick
‘suffer illness’, soft, low (obs meek, hory, hale). The
following date from the period between about 1200 and 1300 (Biese/4/ has
included the Cursor Mundi in this period): black, brown, loose, slight,
better, blind (obs hardly, certain, rich, wide, broad, less). From
the 14th century are recorded ready, clear, grey, sore, pale,
full, dull, round, gentle, English, tender, perfect (obs able, sound,
weak, unable, honest, noble). From the 15th century
purple, stale, clean, from the 16th century shallow, slow,
quiet, empty, bloody, idle, equal, dirty, parallel (and many other now obs
words, as Biese/4/ points out). The 17th century coined crimson,
giddy, worst, blue, gallant, shy, tense, ridicule, unfit, ruddy (and many
how obs words. Biese/4/). From 18th century Are recorded net
‘gain as a net sum’ 1758, total (once 1716, then 1859), negative,
northern (said of landscape), invalid ‘enter on the sick-list’,
queer ‘cheat’ , from the 19th century desperate ‘drive
desperate’, stubborn, sly ‘move in a stealthy manner’, chirk
‘make cheerful’, gross ‘make a gross profit’ 1884, southern
(said of wind), aeriform, true. From our century there are such words
as pretty, wise, lethal, big.
Usually, deadjectival verbs denote change of state, and the meaning is either
‘become ...’ or ‘make ...’. Intransitive verbs with meaning ‘be...’ (as
idle, sly, equal) from quite a small group. Some verbs have a comparative or
superlative as root: better, best, worst, perhaps lower.
Type out verb fr out particle (verbs derived from
Derivation from locative particles is less common than the preceding types. In
Old English there are yppan, fremman (with i-mutation from
up, fram), framian, utian. Later are over ‘to master’ 1456,
obs under ‘cast down’ 1502, off ‘put off’ 1642, down
1778, nigh ‘draw near’ 1200, thwart 1250, west ‘move
towards the west’ 1381, south 1725, north 1866, east
These words, however, are not very common (except out and thwart).
Type hail verb fr hail interjection (verbs derived
Derivation from exclamation and interjection (most of there onomatopoeias) is
more frequent. It will, however, be noted that many of these conversions have
undergone functional and formal changes only without acquiring a well -
grounded lexical existence, their meaning merely being «say..., utter the
sound...». Exs are hail 1200, nay «say nay, refuse» 13..,
mum 1399, obs. Hosht «reduce to silence» etc., whoo (16
th century), humph (17th century), encore, dee-hup
(to a horse), pshaw, halloa, yaw (speak affectedly», hurrah (18
th century), tally-ho (fox-hunting term), boo, yes, heigh-ho
«sigh», bravo, tut, bow-wow, haw-haw, boo-hoo «weep noisily» etc.
(Biese/4/ also Jespersen/7/).
The meaning ‘say...’ may occur with other words also when they are used as
exclamation or interjections, as with iffing (other verb forms are not
recorded), hence ‘order hence’ (obs., 1580). And it may be reckoned
here all the words of the type sir ‘call sir’.
From about 1600 on, geminated forms also occur as verbs. A few have been
mentioned in the foregoing paragraph; others are snip-snap (1593),
dingle-dangle, ding-dong, pit-pat (17th century),
pitter-patter, wiggle-waggle (18th century), criss-cross,
rap-tap, wig-wag (19th century) etc.
The limits of verbal derivation.
Derivation from suffixed nouns is uncommon. Biese’s/4/ treatment of the subject
suffers from a lack of discrimination. He has about 600 examples of
substantives and adjectives; but the ‘suffixes’ are mere terminations. Words
such herring, pudding, nothing, worship are not derivatives. The
terminations -ace, -ice, -ogue, -y (as in enemy) have never had
any derivative force.
Theoretically it would seem that the case of a suffixal composite such as
boyhood is not different from that of a fill compound such as spotlight
. But obviously the fact that suffixes are categorizes generally prevents
suffixal derivatives from becoming the determinants of pseudo-compound verbs.
There are very few that are in common use, such as waitress (rec.),
package (rec., chiefly in form packaged, packaging), manifold
OE (obsolescent today), forward 1596, referee 1889, such
adjectives as dirty, muddy. Many more are recorded in OED (as
countess, patroness, squiress, traitress ‘play the...’, fellowship,
Another reason seems to be still more important. Many of the nominal suffixes
derive substantives from verbs., and it would be contrary to reason to form
such verbs as arrival, guidance, improvement, organization when
arrive, guide, improve, organize exist. Similar consideration apply to
deadjectival derivatives like freedom or idleness. The verb
disrupture is recorded in OED (though only in participial forms) but it is
not common. Reverence is used as a verb, but it is much older (13..,
1290) than the verb revere (1661). It should also be noted that the
alternation revere/reverence shows characteristics of vowel change and
stress which are irregular with derivation by means of -ance, -ence.
For same reason reference is not a regular derivative from refer,
which facilitated the coinage reference ‘provide with references’ etc.
There are no verbal derivatives from prefixed words either. The verb unfit
‘make unfit’ 1611 is isolated.
Type look substantive fr. look verb (deverbal
Deverbal substantives are much less numerous than denominal verbs. The
frequency-relation between the two types has been approximately the same in all
periods of the language. An exception is to be made for the second half of the
13th century «when the absolute number of conversion-substantives is
larger that of the verbs formed from substantives» (Biese/4/).
Form the 13th century are recorded (unless otherwise mentioned in
parentheses, the resp. Verbs are OE) dread (1175), have, look,
steal, weep, call (1225), crack, ‘noise’, dwell, hide, make,
mislike, mourn, show, spit, ‘spittle’, stint, wrest ‘act of
From the later ME period are recorded (indications in parentheses refer to the
respective verbs) fall (OE), feel (OE), keep (OE),
lift (ME), move (ME), pinch (ME), put (ME), run
(OE), snatch (ME), sob (ME), walk (OE), wash
From the 16th century date craze (ME), gloom (ME),
launch (ME), push (ME), rave (ME), say (OE),
scream (ME), anub (ME), swim (OE), wave (OE); from
the 17th century contest (1579), converse (ME),
grin (OE), laugh (OE), produce (1499), sneeze
(1493), take (ME), yawn (OE); from the 18th century
finish (ME), hand (OE), pry (ME), ride (OE), sit
(OE). From the 19th century fix (ME), meet (OE),
shampoo (1762), spill (OE).
As for the meaning of deverbal substantive, the majority denote the act or
rather a specific instance of what the verbal idea expresses quote,
contest, fall, fix, knock, lift etc. This has been so from the beginning
(Hertrampf and Biese/4/). «The abstract nouns, including nouns of action, are
not only the most common type of conversion-substantives; they are also those
of the greatest importance during the early periods of the development of
conversions» (Biese/4/). «The conversion-substantive used in a personal or
concrete sense are, especially in the earlier stages, of comparatively slight
Concrete senses show mince ‘minced meat’, produce ‘product’,
rattle ‘instrument’, sprout ‘branch’, shoot ‘branch’,
shear ‘shorn animal’, sink ‘sewer’, clip ‘instrument’,
cut ‘passage, opening’, spit ‘spittle’, stride ‘one of a
flight of steps’.
Sbs denoting the result of the verbal action are catch, take, win
‘victory’, cut ‘provision’, find, melt ‘melded substance’,
snatch ‘excerpt from a song’ e.c.
Place-denoting are fold, bend, slip, wush ‘sandbank’, dump etc.
Sbs denoting the impersonal agent are draw ‘attraction’, catch
(of a gate, a catching question etc.), sting ‘animal organ’, tread
‘part of the sole that touches the ground’, do, take-in, all ‘tricky
contrivance’, wipe ‘handkerchief’ sl etc.
There are also number of substantives denoting a person. OE knew the type
boda ‘bode’ (corresponding to L scriba, OHG sprecho) which
in ME was replaced by the type hunter. Several words survived, however,
as bode, help (OE help), hint (the last quotation in
OED is from 1807), and they are occasional ME formations, as ally 1380
(if it is not rather French allie); but could be apprehended as formed
after the type. Obs. Cut (a term of abuse) 1490 does not seem to have
any connection with the verb cut, and scold ‘scolding woman’
1200 is doubtful, the verb is first quoted 1377.
The word wright, which now occurs only as a second-word of cpds (
cart-wright etc.) is no longer apprehended as an agent noun (belonging to
wolk). Otherwise all deverbal substantives denoting a personal agent are of
Modern English origin, 16th century or more recent. The type
probably came into existence under the influence of the types pickpocket
and runabout. Exs are romp ‘child or woman fond of romping’
1706, flirt 1732, crack ‘cracksman’ 1749 (thieves’ sl),
bore ‘tiresome p.’ 1812, sweep ‘chimney sweeper’ 1812, coach
‘tutor, trainer’ 1848 (misleadingly classed in OED, as if from substantive
coach), discard ‘discarded person’. The great number of depreciative
terms is striking.
For the sake of convenience it is repeated here the examples of such personal
deverbal substantives as form the second-words of cpds: upstart 1555,
by-blow 1595=obs. By-slip 1670 ‘bastard’, chimney-sweep
1614, money-grub 1768, shoeblack and bootbleck 1778,
new-come ‘new arrival’ 1577, bellhop, carhop rec.
The formation if deverbal substantives may be considered from the angle of
syntactical grouping. No doubt there are different frequency-rates for a word
according to the position which it has in a sentence. Biese/4/ has devoted a
chapter to the question and has established various types of grouping which
have influenced the growth of the type. It can be seen that deverbal
substantives frequently occur in prepositional groups (to be in the know
), that type are often the object of give, make, have, take (less so of
other verbs), that only 11% of the examples show the deverbal substantives as
subject of the sentence and that they are frequently by adjuncts. The most
important patterns are ‘(be) in the know’ and ‘(have) a look
’. Exs of the first type are phrases such as in the long run, upon the go,
with a thrust of his hair, after this sit, for a tell, for the kill, for the
draw, of English make, at a qulp, etc.
As for the t. ‘(have) a look’, «the use of phrasal verbs with
conversion-substantives may be said to be a very marked feature during all
periods from early ME up to the present time. As shown by these quotations, the
origins of this use may be said to go back as far as the OE period» (Biese/4/).
Exs are; have a wash, a smoke, a swim, a chat etc., give a laugh, a
cry, a break, a toss, a whistle, the chick, the go-by etc., take a
ride, a walk, a swim, a read, the lead etc., make a move, a dive, a
bolt, a bow etc. etc.
It will be interesting to compare zero-derivatives with the -ing
substantives. Historical speaking there is no longer a competition so far as the
formation of common substantives is concerned. The number of new-formed
-ing substantives has been steadily decreasing since the beginning of the
MoE period. According to Biese/4/ the figures for newly introduced -ing
substantives, as compared with zero-derivatives of the same verbs, are as
follows: 13th century = 62, 14th = 80, 15th =
19, 16th =12, 17th century =5, 18th century
=2, 19th century =0. Biese/4/ has obviously considered the rise of
new forms only, but the semantic development of -ing
substantives. Otherwise his figures would have been different. Any verb may
derive an -ing substantive which can take the definite article. The
-ing then invariably denotes the action of the verb: the smoking of the
gentlemen disturbed me. The zero-derivative, as compared with the ing,
never denotes the action but gives the verbal ideal in a nominalized form, i.e.
the notional content of the verbal idea (with the secondary implication of the
idea ‘act’): the gentlemen withdrew for a smoke. «In their use with
phrasal verbs -ing forms have become obsolete, whereas there is an ever
increasing number of conversion substantives used in conjunction with verbs
like make, take etc....»(Biese/4/). On the other hand, common
substantives in ing are now chiefly denominal, denoting something
concrete, chiefly material which eliminates ing as a rival for
zero-derivatives. According to Biese/4/ this distinction is already visible in
the early stages of conversion. Biese/4/ points out that a prepositional
substantive following a substantive is almost always a ‘genitivus subjectivus’
(the grind of wheels), whereas the same type of group following an
-ing substantive is most often a ‘genitivens objectivus’ which is certainly
an observation to the point, as it shows the verbal character of the -ing
substantives as compared with the more nominal character of zero-derivatives.
A few instances of semantically differentiated derivatives are
bother/bothering, build/building, proceeds/proceedings, meet/meeting,
set/setting, turn/turning, bend/bending, find/finding, sit/sitting,
cut/cutting, feel/feeling, paint/painting.
Sometimes deverbal substantives are only idiomatic in the plural: it divers
me the creeps (the jumps), turn on the weeps A sl, have the prowls
A sl, the bends ‘caisson disease’, for keeps ‘for good’.
An apparent exception are derivatives from expressive verbs in -er (type
clatter) and -le (type sparkle) which are pretty numerous
(Biese/4/), but in fact most of these verbs are not derivatives in the way
verbs in -ize or -ify are, because few simple verbs exist
alongside of the composites. These words are better described as composites of
expressive elements, so the suffixes are not categorizes.
Derivation from prefixed verbs is restricted to composites with the prefixes
dis-, mis-, inter-, and re- (see the respective prefixes). With
other prefixes, there have only been attempts at nominal derivation. Biese/4/
has befall, beget, begin, behave, belay, belove, beseech, bespeak, bestow,
betide, betrust as substantives. But they were all short-lived and rare.
With the exception of belay 1908, a technical term, none seems to be in
Biese/4/ has established a so-called detain- type, i.e. substantives
derived from what he considers to be prefixed verbs. It do not seen the point
of this distinction as one could analyze very few of his 450 words or so. The
majority are unit words.
Zero-derivation and stress.
It shall now be made a few remarks about such types as have not been treated
in this chapter. The stressing tendencies differ according to whether the
basis is a unit word or a composite, also according to whether derivation is
made from a noun or a verb.
Nominal derivation from composite verbs involves shift of stress. Examples are
the types runaway / blackout, overthrow, interchange, misfit, reprint
which are derived from actual or possible verbal composites with the stress
pattern --. The process has not yet come to an end which will explain that the
OED, Webster and others very often give stress indications which no longer
tally with the speech habits of the majority. Many cbs of the blackout
type and all the substantives of the types misfit and reprint
are stressed like the verbs resp. Verbal phrases in OED.
Of prefixal types only verbs with inter-, mis- and re- have
developed stress-distinguished substantives. No similar pairs exist for neg.
un- (no verbal type exists, anyway), reversative un-, be-, de- (
be- and de- are only deverbal).
Verbs derived from composite substantives do not change their stress pattern.
Cp. such verbs as backwash, background, afterdate, by-pass, counterweight,
outlaw, outline, underbrush which are forestressed like their underlying
nominal bases. This also explains the fluctuation in the stressing of
counter- verbs, as counter-sign, counter-sink, stressed like the
substantives though the verbal stress pattern is middle stress/heavy stress.
With unit words the current tendency is to retain the stress of the underlying
basis in deverbal nouns as well as in denominal verbs. We may call this
homologic stressing. Bradin/5/ had stated the fact for denominal verbs without,
however, discussing the problem as to the obvious exceptions, while
Jespersen/7/ speaks of ‘such an important thing in ford-formation as the
stress-shifting in record substantive and verb’.
To a certain extent, it is a stress distinction between nouns and verbs which
are otherwise homophonous. This distinctive stress pattern occurs chiefly with
disyllabic words, record substantive / record verb. examples
are contract, accent, affix, infix, prefix, suffix, augment, impress,
concert, contrast, convert, escort, essay, export, object, subject, project,
present, progress, protest, survey, torment, transfer.
The number of non-shifting examples is much greater, however. It will be first
given instances of forestressed words with homologic stress: comment,
compact, exile, figure, plaster, preface, prelude, prison, quarrel, climax,
focus, herald, process, program, triumph, waitress, rivet, segment, sojourn,
turmoil, contact, ‘bring or come into contact’, congress ‘meet in a
congress’, incense ‘burn incense’, probate. To these may be
added such verbs as are felt to be derived from a substantive and therefore
forestressed like the underlying bases, at least in AE: accent, conflict,
concrete (as in concrete a wall, also in OED), contract (as
in contract a document), digest (as digest a book),
export, import (prob. originating in contrastive stressing), recess
(as recess a wall), survey (in certain senses), torment
(frequent), transfer (the regular stressing as a railway team).
The group of non-shifting endstressed words is considerably larger. Unit words
beginning with de-, dis-, re- are especially numerous. Examples are:
accord, advance, assent, attack, decay, delay, defeat, dispatch, despute,
escape, exclaim, (as a deverbal substantive ‘presenting position of a
rifle’), precise, relax, remove, repay, reform, support (Biese/4/).
On the other hand, it is found instances of distinctive stressing in AE:
address, conserves, discard, discharge are often heard with forestress when
substantives, also relay and research; reject substantive with
forestress is the only pronunciation possible. Of these, relay and
research may be explained as reinterpretations after the t. reprint
substantive /reprint verb; reject is perh. influenced by
subject, object, project, traject. In any case, this tendency towards
distinctive stress in deverbal substantives is weak as compared with that
towards homologic stress.
To sum up: the tendency with denominal verbs is to give them the stress of the
underlying nominal basis, which has in many cases led to homologic stress with
all or part of the verbal meanings versus older distinctive stress. Deverbal
substantives, on the whole, show the same inclination to homologic stress. But
there is also a weak tendency towards distinctive stress, though chiefly in AE.
As for the tendency toward stress distinction between nominal and verbal
homophones pointed out by Jespersen/7/, it was perhaps vaguely on the analogy
of composites that it came into existence. The original stress with these loans
from French or Latin was on the last syllable (F absent, L
abstract(um)), so verbs retained this stress all the more easily as many
native verbs were so stressed: become, believe, forbid, forget, mislead
etc., whereas almost all disyllabic native substantives, unit words as well as
composites were forestressed (the few contrary examples such as unhealth,
unrest, untruth, belief hardly count against the overwhelming majority).
This may have led to a tendency towards forestress with non-native disyllabic
substantives too. But what has taken on the character of a strong derivative
device with composites has proved much weaker with unit words on account of
their entirely different structure. Further development seems to point in the
direction of homologic stressing.
Combination of the type hanger-on may be mentioned here. As they are
functionally characterized by the suffix -er, the absence of stress
shift is only natural. The stress pattern of the underlying verbal phrase is
The abilities in production new words from colourmarcking adjectives.
The world around of us is the world of colour and paints, for which a variety
of combinations and shades is characteristic. The colour is one of properties
of objects of the material world and is perceived as the realized visual
sensation. The adjectives are used as a special part of speech serving for a
colour designation . The word-formation serves for a designation of colour
shades of adjectives, and also for the parts of speech formed from them.
Between that, the word-formation aspect of lexic has remained indifferently,
word-formation relations inside this layer, with its originality, deserves
the attention by way of their description and study in the language.
The word-formation is a system, which unites grammatical and lexical, that
speaks about its enterlevel character and allows to apply the complex
approach to the investigated phenomena. Essence of grammar of a word-
formation suffix, which signals about the belonging a derivative word to
this or that part of speech and defines its paradigm, confirms this idea.
Also, on the basic purpose, which consists in creation of a new word and
updating of the vocabulary , the indissoluble unity of a word-formation and
lexicon is shown. Besides the word-formation, having own sphere of research,
studies word-formation resources and processes conducting to creation of
word-formation models, and also condition of functioning and filling the
As the adjectives of a colourmarking concern to the most ancient layer of
lexicon, at their analysis there was necessary to pay attention to the facts
of diachronic, and also to consider an originality of the given group of
words, which is allocated with the various symbolic. This circumstance finds
the reflection in formation of portable meanings which are included in
lexical-semantic structure of initial adjectives, and influences the lexical
filling of word-formation models their derivatives.
The study of lexical-semantic structures of colourmarking adjectives has
shown unusual connection of colour and noncolour meanings, variety of their
shades, the influence of the nonlanguage validity on semantics of a word. It
was established, that the contextual environment of colourmarking adjectives
has the large importance for the adequate description of their lexical-
The word-formation model is closely connected to word-formation paradigm.
Each adjective has own paradigm having unequal extent and various morpheme
filling of models, included in it. On the basis of research of each separate
paradigm, it is possible to deduce the generalized word-formation paradigm of
the given group of words, which is characterized by presence constant, basic,
facultative and even “unique” participants, that is shown in the limits of
The word-formation can be made:
1) inside one part of speech: A+suf=A1
2) by a transposition: - A+suf=N,
where A - initial adjective, suf - word-forming suffix, A1, N, V, D -
derivatives: adjective, noun, verb, adverb.
The basic suffixes -ish, -y are the constant and obligatory members of
general word-formation paradigm, i.e. enter into the paradigm of each
-ness is the conducting suffix here. The abstract nouns belong to this model
in the English language: blueness.
Other derivatives, in which formation the various suffixes take part, are
facultative, i.e. can be found in paradigm of one or two adjectives.
The presence of the facultative members depends on portable and minor
meanings which are included in lexical-semantic structure of initial lexises.
So in a derivative noun “blueism” one of meanings of the adjective “blue” -
"интеллектуальный", "ученый", "премудрый" etc. is realized, and the suffix -
ism introduces in the semantics of the derivative the generalized meaning.
The portable meaning of an adjective “green” - "неопытный", "незрелый" is
shown in the appropriate derivatives – “greener, greenie” - carriers of this
quality. It is necessary to note, that paradigmatic lines can have unequal
extent because of the facultative members. “Green - greenness, greenery,
greenth, greenage, greener, greenie, greenlet, greening, greenling”.
Speaking about the semantic of the derivatives it is necessary to note that
their polysemantic is in the direct dependence on character of lexical-
semantic structure of an initial basis. Depending on a context the suffix
noun “blueness “ one of the meanings of motivating adjectives realizes: «
синева, лазурь, синий цвет » (blue – “синий, голубой” -the actualizing of the
basic colour meaning), "синяк" ( the actualizing of minor meaning),
«ученость, премудрость, интеллектуальность» (blueism), "«непристойность"
(blue-joke - « неприличная, непристойная шутка » - the actualizing of
The realization of the model A+suf=N is connected to redistribution of semas
and one-radical parts of speech in semantic structure. General-categorical
sema of that part of speech, in which the initial lexis was transposed - here
it is a sema of a subject inherent by a noun, become the basic one. After it,
semas, subordinated to it: abstract, concrete and animate, follow, depending
on character of a derivative noun. Only then the general-categorical sema of
an initial adjective - sema of an attribute settles down.
The suffix verbs formed from colourmarking adjectives, carry facultative
character (redden, blacken, whiten) and differ by the ramified lexical-
semantic structure. Its size is defined not only because of entrance
simultaneously of semas of transitivity and intransitivity in it, but also
due to more various lexical semantics. The given model also is characterized
by redistribution of semas, which occurs at a verbal transposition. The
conducting place is occupied by a general-categorical sema of verbs – the
sema of process, and also semas, subordinated to it, of transitivity and
intransitivity. Only after them the sema of an attribute inherent in initial
This model is submitted in the English language by a suffix -ly, and the
derivative adverbs are the constant members of the paradigm (bluely, brownly,
In the English language this model is submitted by suffix nouns formed from
verbs. To blue bluer « тот, кто воронит сталь ». The English deverbal nouns
with a suffix -ing are characterized by constant participation in
paradigm (blueing, browning, greening, redding, yellowing).
Besides the affix models, examining the word-formation opportunities of
colourmarking adjectives the important role is played by models of an
affixless wordmaking. They assume an obligatory transposition of parts of
speech. If the distinctive feature of an affix word-making is the presence of
a marker as a final word-forming suffix, then such marker is not present at
the affixless (implicit) word-making. Because of its complexity the problem
of an affixless word-making is examined from various points of view, and the
ways for its solution are planned:
1. The word-formation means of this way of a word-making come to light;
2. The processes occurring at an affixless word-making, are examined
in connection with typological features of the language and its morphological
3. The criteria for a synchronous establishment of a direction of a
derivation are developed;
4. Various methods of the analysis are applied, supplementing each other.
Two basic models of an affixless word-making were allocated: AàN, Aà V.
The model AàN reflects the phenomenon of a substantivation.
The English language, where the category of a gender is absent, aspires to
include various meanings in one lexeme structure and to expand volume of its
lexical-semantic structure by that, at realization of this model. An
indispensable condition of functioning derivative, formed on the given model,
is the change of categorial semantics of a part of speech and redistribution
of semas in their semantic structure. Besides an obligatory general-
categorial sema of a noun -the sema of a subject, for the English derivative
lexeme the entry in its structure simultaneously of semas abstract and
concrete, animate and inanimateness etc. is peculiar, that is the specific
feature of the English language. In the English language, with its analytical
tendency, there is an aspiration to a full semantic filling of a word.
The character of semantic shifts occurring at realization of this model, can
be explained with help of lexical-semantic structure, where the meaning
contains, which is modified in appropriate derivatives. The nouns formed on
this model, are included into the structure of various phraseologies: out of
blue - is "неожиданно". It shows the connection of word-formation and
phraseological systems of the language.
There is an interest in the cases when in a basis of phraseologies the
various colour associations lay: to fire into the brown - « стрелять мимо
цели, неметко ».
The comparison of models of an affix and affixless word-making shows, that
the distinctive attribute of the lasts is in their poly-semantic not as in
the appropriate suffix models , the most important feature is the opportunity
of being included in various phraseologies.
AàV. The typological feature of these verbs is that they include the
semas of transitivity and intransitivity in their lexical-semantic structure
and it expand the categorial semantic because of it.
The portable meanings of the colourmarking adjectives find their reflections
in the English verbs : to green « обманывать, мистифицировать »ß green «
доверчивый, простодушный ».
The word addition has the wide circulation among the suffix and prefix word-
formation during the all extent of development of the language.
The number of questions are allocated from all of problems concerning
formation of complex words,: 1) the compatibility of the appropriate
colourmarking adjectives with other categories of words; 2) what element of
meaning, basic or portable, is realized there; 3) distribution of models of
complex words in the parts of speech; 4) feature of their structure and
To typological criteria also belong: a) number of components forming a new
word; b) a way of the connection components:
· full complete;
· is incomplete combined;
· connection with the help of service words;
c) A type of the semantic connection between the components of a complex
word, which carries an attribute character in the examined models.
Complex nouns including the colourmarking adjective as one of the components,
makes out the lexical groups of words. The names of plants, animal, minerals
etc. concern to them. The complex words which in result of metonym carry
from a part on whole serve the name of an animal or plant widely submitted
among them : redbreast "малиновка". It, so-called, "bahoovrihs". The group of
words is also allocated, where the colourmarking adjectives, combining with
the name of clothes, form " bahoovrihs ", used for calling the man: blue
jacket "матрос". At the same time there is a number of differences in еру
realization of models of complex nouns and their functioning. In the English
language there are difficulties in the differentiation of complex word from
word combination. It is depend on the nonexpressed morphological structure of
the English word. Frequently English language prefers word combinations: to
look blue «выглядеть унылым ». Because of that the English language has a
plenty of phraseological word combinations including colourmarking adjectives
: blue devils "хандра", brown study « мрачное раздумье ». The increased
lexical-semantic structure with a metamorphosing of meanings is the
characteristic feature of the English complex word : blue-cap «круглая
плоская синяя шапочка (ее раньше носили в Шотландии)», «шотландцы», «лосось
первого года жизни», «синица», «василек», «сорт пива».
The basic type of a complex word is two-componented, the basic way of
connection of the components is full complete. The connection with the help
of a connecting element is not very typically for the English language.
The models of complex adjectives including colourmarking adjectives as one of
components, are present in the English language. As the basic part of speech
expressing colour shades, are the adjectives, the basic attention is given to
the appropriate complex adjectives. The English language, besides complex
words, aspires to use the word combinations, and also derivative and radical
The formation of compound verbs on conversion is typical of the English
language: to bluestocking « быть синим чулком », to brownbag (slang) «
приносить в ресторан свою еду ». Last word is rather new, that speaks
about the role of the given tendency in a word-formation of the English
language, it is also possible the further word-making - brown – bagger.
III. Practical part.
It is impossible to underestimate a role of studying of a word-formation in
an primary school. As the teaching of foreign language should pass in
complex, i.e. the studying English should include the basic directions:
grammar, phonetics and lexicon, the importance of studying of word-formation
aspect of lexicon becomes doubtless. The studying of conversion, which
because of the extreme productivity is one of conducting ways of creation
the new words in the English language, can become one of the ways of
updating of the child’s vocabulary . Here it should be noted the importance
of lexicon, in general, in studying of foreign language in primary school.
The lexicon should be acquired in system, therefore the work above the
child’s vocabulary should begin from the first day of studying English
and proceed during the all period of training, day-to-day.
One of the basic principles of selection of lexicon in primary school is the
common use, i.e. the opportunity of the using in the colloquial speech,
hence, in the younger classes is not selected special lexicon as the words
for studying. The very small quantity of time is allocated for acquaintance
and training of that lexicon, which is not of a situation, necessary for
creation of a dialogue.
The plenty of time is allocated for studying of a word, acquaintance with its
meaning, its role in the sentence, in the system of language, however items
of information about its formation and opportunity of formation new words
from it are given, only if the speech goes about a word formed suffix, seldom
prefix, way of a word-formation. The words formed on conversion, are simply
showed, as two different parts of speech, that does not give an opportunity
to children itself to make words, basing on the knowledge of this way of a
word-formation. For comprehension of importance of this aspect of language it
is necessary to address to a psychological linguistic nature of lexicon. You
see in psychology the word is the complex activator, for example, at
perception and understanding of oral and written speech, this complex speech
action (at expression of thoughts). At understanding of a word the acoustical
and visual analyzers will be involved, and this integrated approach promotes
the best mastering. The dialogue in foreign language is rather difficult
activity for the child. It occurs that, first, for the younger schoolboy it
is much easier to communicate on the native language much and it is not
clearly, why he should express in English, secondly, for this purpose it is
necessary to make rather difficult mental operation - to choose the words,
suitable on sense, from the vocabulary to construct the sentence
grammatically correctly, observing thus the words order , i.e. to do so that
to be understood. Becomes obvious, that the updating of the child’s
vocabulary is one of the basic problem for the teacher, you see the word is
a basic minimal unit of any language.
The studying of conversion, as one of ways of a word-formation, will help to
do the child‘s vocabulary more rich, to make his speech more expressive,
and also to fill up passive and active vocabulary, by means of formation the
new words himself. Now, reading, for example, a book, it will not be
necessary to him to look for a word formed on conversion, in the dictionary,
but to define its meaning, using the knowledge of this phenomenon of
language. Especially, the nouns and verbs formed from adjectives of a
colourmarking by this way, are included into structure of various
phraseologies, where carry more often portable meaning.
Some courses, foreign and Russian were analysed, where English is taught, as
foreign language. It is interesting to note, that the word-formation is not
studied neither in primary, nor in secondary school, however, it is possible
to find some items concerning this aspect of lexicon. Courses: Russian
(English by Vereshchagina, Pretykina and Learning English by Skulta) and
foreign (Magic Time and Hot Line by Tom Hutchinson) have various methodical
base, usually it is: some text books, teacher's book, reading book , active
book, audio cassettes. There is not any word about conversion in this
courses, however, words formed in this way are given simply as different
parts of speech, and the connection between them is not explained.
With the purpose of revealing a level of children’s knowledge about a
conversion word-formation the ascertaining experiment was done, where
children were offered to do the following task (see appendix 1). Every pupil
have received individual card, in which a number of pairs sentences on
English with translation and the missed words was given. The list of words
was located below, from which it was necessary to choose a word, suitable on
sense, and to insert it into the appropriate sentence. In 10 minutes the
works were gathered. (Results of experiment see appendix 7, table 1)
For formation the skill of the conscious using words formed by a way of
conversion ,in oral and written speech and also for acquaintance with its
role in the English language the forming experiment including number of the
tasks, promoting to achievement of this purpose was done. The final aim was
not in remembering the term conversion and its definitions by the pupils,
but in understanding of sense of the phenomenon, as one of the most
productive ways of formation of new words in the English language. At the
first stage, on an example of two sentences, using the leading questions,
children come to a conclusion, that the same word can represent various parts
of speech (see appendix 2). At the following stage was primary fastening of
this material, i.e. the schoolboys were offered to explain the statement of
this or that word in the sentence on an example of a material of ascertaining
experiment (see appendix 3). The following task consist in the following: a
number of adjectives of a colourmarking was offered to children who needed
to translate them; it is quite natural, that the schoolboys have apprehended
them as adjectives. Further before the younger schoolboys the dilemma was
put: whether these words can have the pair, which would be the other part of
speech without changing the form of the word. All children successfully
have coped with this task, using the dictionaries, conclusion that these
pairs of words illustrate the phenomenon of conversion, was made by
schoolboys by themselves (see appendix 4). Further group of children was
divided into the brigades, the individual word was offered to every one, with
which they needed to do the following operations: to find out, one or
several parts of speech can be represented by this word to prove it, it was
necessary to make the sentences with these words and to explain an belonging
the word to this or that part of speech. By the purpose of this task was to
fix the pupils’s knowledge of this theme, and also to train in the using of
these words in the sentence, in particular, and in speech in general (see
appendix 4). At the following stage of generalization of the knowledge and
fastening, automation of skill of the using the words formed on conversion
the task consist in, that 1) to define a part of speech of the allocated
words in the sentence, 2) to make the sentences similar by the given ones, 3)
to define a part of speech of the words submitted outside of a context. The
third part of the task is obviously impracticable, because it was given only
the graphic form of a word, that in general ruled out any opportunity to
differentiate it as part of speech. It is natural, that children have done
only the two first parts of the task, last part has caused them the quite
justified difficulties, and by the method of group work succeeded to come to
the conclusion that the words given only in a graphic form, can designate
different parts of speech, for the confirmation it the schoolboys had to use
the dictionaries (see appendix 5). If to speak about the whole forming
experiment, it is possible to note, that the children liked the tasks, they
tried to do everything in time. Though this experiment did not put as the
purpose the remembering the term conversion and its definitions by the
children , however, almost all children used it in the demonstration and
The purpose of a check experiment was revealing the level of children’s
knowledge . For this purpose the test was offered to the schoolboys, where
answering on questions "yes", "no", they came to a certain pictogram, which
designated the certain mark. The questions are made by a principle from
simple to difficult, therefore children at first have apprehended this task,
as a game (see appendix 6). The results of check have shown a rather high
level of the knowledge (see appendix 7, table 2).
Considering the results of the done work, it is possible to come to
conclusion that the studying of this theme regularly, can give quite
acceptable results. Though there is no sufficient methodical base, which
could help with formation of the skill of using the words formed on
conversion in oral and written speech, mastering children of knowledge on
this theme however is possible. As the adequate moment of a beginning
studying of this phenomenon it is possible to consider the third year of
training of foreign language in a primary school. The studying of this
aspect of the English language promotes the enrichment of the child’s
dictionary , and as it was spoken plays not the last role in studying of the
language, forms the skill of independent work, develops such mental
processes, as memory, logic thinking, ability to analyze and to compare. The
next years of training the deepening and expansion of this theme with a
support on the items of information received in an elementary school is
The examination of the works of some authors (Adams, Jespersen, Marchand/1, 7,
10/), shows such problem, as the exact status of conversion within
word-formation is unclear. For some scholars conversion is a brunch of
derivation, for others it is a separate type of word-formation, on level with
derivation and compounding. Whether this distinction has any real effect on the
structure of a theory of word-formation. Most writers use both terms appear to
use them as synonyms. However many authors agreed that the conversion is one of
the most productive ways of a word-formation and is a lexical category, though
many of them show it as a grammatical category too. Then the word changes the
form class of a form without any corresponding changes of form, it accepts all
grammatical attributes of this class. The significant productivity of
conversion word-formation is shown also in ability of formation the new words
practically from any part of speech, including prepositions. In the paper the
models of conversion word-formation are submitted, such as:
verbßsubstantive, verbßadjective, verbßlocative particles,
verbßinterjections, substantiveßverb. Examining the opportunities
of formation the new words from adjectives of a colourmarking, it is possible
to note, that they participate in suffix, conversion word-formation, and also
form new words by word adding. And at any of these ways can be realized both
direct, and portable meaning, and the words formed on conversion (more often
nouns) can be included into structure of phraseologies.
The purpose of the put experiments of a practical part of this paper was
achieved. Children have acquired the offered initial knowledge of a theme of
a conversion word-formation, have learned to use such words in oral and
written speech. Besides it, they have remembered the term "conversion".
Taking into account the quite good results, received during the experiment, it
is possible to plan the further ways of development of studying this way of
word-formation at school and, in particular, in primary classes. The further
studying of this phenomenon can be done by offering serially one of the models
VßA, NßV etc. It is possible to predict the successful result of
this studying,, and at the end, children would be able to find the examples of
conversion word-formation and use them in oral and written speech
1. Adams, V. An introduction to Modern English word-
formation. Longman. 1973.
2. Bauer, L. English word-formation. Cambridge. 1983.
3. Bett, H. Wandering among words. Allemand. 1936.
4. Biese, Y. Origin and development of conversion in English. Helsinki. 1941.
5. Brown, I. Just another word. Cape. 1943.
6. Bladin, V. Studies and denominative verbs in English. Uppsala. 1911.
7. Jespersen, O. A modern English grammar on historical principles.
8. Kruisinga, E. A handbook of present day English. Groningen. 1932.
9. Lyons, J. Introduction to theoretical linguistic. London. 1972.
10. Marchand, H. The categories and types of present day word-formation.
11. Mencken, H. The American language. New York. 1936.
12. Vallins, G. The making and meaning of words. Black, London. 1941.
13. Воронцова, Г. Очерки по грамматике английского языка. М. 1960.
14. Жирмунская, М. Л. Словообразовательные потенции прилагательных
цветообозначения в современных германских языках. М., 1982.
15. Иванова, И. П. Христоматия по истории английского языка. Л. 1973.
16. Каращук, П. Словообразование английского языка. М. 1977.
17. Мешков, О. Словообразование в современном английском языке. М. 1976.
18. Сильницкий, Г (отв. ред.). Проблемы английского словообразования.
19. Смирницкий, А. История английского языка. М. 1953.
20. Смирницкий, А. Лексикология современного английского языка. М. 1956.
-Berg, P. A dictionary of new words in English. London. 1953.
-Jones, D. An English pronouncing dictionary. London. 1957.
-The Oxford pocket Russian dictionary. Oxford. 1994.
Appendix 1. Ascertaining experiment.
Цель: выявить уровень знаний учащихся об употреблении слов, образованных по
Задание: вставить слова подходящие по смыслу вместо . в предложения.
1. She . very well. Она готовит очень хорошо.
She is a good . . Она хороший повар.
2. There is a small . room in this flat. В этой квартире есть маленькая
There are a lot of parks and . in our city. В нашем городе много парков и
3. The bush of . grows under the window. Куст сирени растет под окном.
I have very beautiful . dress. У меня есть очень красивое . платье.
4. There are red and . flowers in the vase. В вазе стояли красные и
Leaves . in autumn. Листья желтеют осенью.
Слова для справки: cook, round, violet, yellow, sweet, look, lilac, square.
Appendix 2. Forming experiment. Stage 1.
Цель всего формирующего эксперимента: сформировать навык сознательного
употребления слов, образованных по конверсии, в устной и письменной речи.
· грамматическая: повторять употребление времен группы Simple и Continuous;
· лексическая: привести детей к пониманию смысла изучаемого явления,
пополнение активного словаря ребенка посредством знакомства с новыми
словами, с конверсией, как одним из способов словообразования, посредством
перевода некоторых слов из пассивного словаря в активный;
· фонетическая: тренировать в произнесении необходимых звуков, особенно
звуков второй и третей группы сложности.
2) воспитательная: учить детей самостоятельно находить информацию, в т.ч.
пользоваться словарями, воспитывать чувство взаимопомощи и взаимовыручки;
3) развивающая: развивать такие психические функции, как память,
логическое мышление, произвольное внимание.
Appendix 3. Forming experiment. Stage 2.
примерные ответы учащихся
Look at the blackboard. Who can read these sentences?
I like this sweet.
This apple issweet.
Who can translate these sentences?
Right. Как вы думаете, почему именно эти два слова выделены?
А я сейчас вам докажу, что это не совсем так. Давайте внимательно посмотрим, какой частью речи является это слово в первом предложении?
А во втором?
Так что же это получается, может одно из них неправильное?
Значит, действительно так бывает, что одно и то же слово может обозначать разные части речи. Это бывает только в английском языке, или кто-нибудь знает подобные примеры и в русском?
Значит, какой вывод мы можем сделать из того, что мы сейчас выяснили?
-мне нравится эта конфета. Это яблоко сладкое.
-потому что они одинаковые.
Нет, оба правильные.
Мороженое –и прилагательное, и существитель-ное.
В английском языке, так же как и в русском есть такие слова, внешне ничем не отличающиеся, но обозначающие разные части речи.
Appendix 4. Forming experiment. Stage 3.
|этапы||содержание||примерные ответы учащихся|
Давайте вспомним ту работу, которую мы писали. Те слова, которые нужно было вставить я выделила другим цветом. Вам нужно только объяснить, какой частью речи они выражены и почему вы так решили.
1. She cooks very well. Она готовит очень хорошо.
She is a good cook . Она хороший повар.
2. There is a small square room in this flat. В этой квартире есть маленькая квадратная комната.
There are a lot of parks and squares in our city. В нашем городе много парков и площадей.
3. The bush of lilac grows under the window. Куст сирени растет под окном.
I have very beautiful lilac dress. У меня есть очень красивое сиреневое платье.
4. There are red and yellow flowers in the vase. В вазе стояли красные и желтые цветы.
Leaves yellow in autumn. Листья желтеют осенью.
Давайте подумаем, почему вы не справились с этим заданием раньше. Что нам еще раз подтвердили эти предложения?
Такое превращение слова из одной части речи в другую в английском языке называется «конверсия». Посмотрите, какими частями речи может быть обозначено одно слово?
Какими частями речи может быть одно и то же слово? Кто запомнил, как называется это явление?
-здесь это слово является глаголом, т.к. обозначает действие, является сказуемым и оканчивается на s, а это окончание глаголов 3 л. н. вр.
-это существи-тельное, т.к. перед ним стоит артикль и прилагательное.
-это прилагательное, т.к. стоит перед существительным и говорит о том, какая это комната
- существительное, здесь оно оканчивается на s, потому что существительное стоит во множественном числе.
-существительное, обозначает название растения.
-прилагательное, т.к. обозначает признак предмета.
-прилагательное, т.к. обозначает признак предмета.
-глагол, т.к. обозначает действие и в предложении является сказуемым.
-мы не знали о том, что одинаково написанные слова могут обозначать разные части речи.
Сущ. - глагол, прил. –глагол, прил. – сущ.
|этапы||содержание||Примерные ответы учащихся|
Скажите, все ли вы знаете об английских прилагательных, обозначающих цвета?
Посмотрите на доску, прочитайте слова и переведите:
Blue, black, pink, yellow, violet, lilac.
А теперь возьмите словари и проверьте, нет ли у этих слов, кроме этого значения цвета, другие значения, выраженные другой частью речи?
Какой вывод мы можем сделать?
-голубой, черный, розовый, желтый, фиолетовый, сиреневый.
-небо, траур, гвоздика, желтеть, фиалка, сирень.
У прилагательных , обозначающих цвета тоже встречается такое явление «конверсия».
Appendix 5. Forming experiment. Stage 5.
Работа в бригадах.
Теперь вам нужно разделиться на бригады по три человека. Задание будет общим, но слова будут разные:
green, look, bath, dry. У каждой бригады свое слово, с ним нужно сделать следующее: найти все его значения в словаре, узнать, в роли каких частей речи оно может выступать, составить предложения, в которых бы отражались по возможности все значения. (15 мин.)
(один чел. из бригады читает все значения, другой записывает предло-жение на доске, остальные-проверяют.)
Appendix 6. Control experiment.
Цель: выявление уровня знаний учащихся по пройденному материалу.
· грамматическая: повторение времен группы Simple, Continuous;
· лексическая: проверка усвоения начальных сведений о явлении конверсии,
контроль формирования навыка употребления таких слов;
2) воспитательная: воспитывать самостоятельность;
3) развивающая: развивать психические функции, такие как память,
логическое мышление, произвольное внимание.
Детям предлагается следующий тест:
В английском языке слова могут обозначать не одну, а несколько частей речи
(присутствует понятие конверсии).
|Этапы||Содержание||примерные ответы учащихся|
Что вы знаете о конверсии в английском языке?
Какими частями речи может быть одно и то же слово?
С.р.:1)Указать часть речи выделенных слов:
· I heard a cry from the closed door.
They cry because they can’t go for a walk.
· I have a very tasty fish for dinner.
We are going to fish next Sunday.
· I don’t like when the weather is cold.
The cold helps to safe food fresh.
· I like to dance.
We liked their dance.
2) Составить пару предложений, чтобы слова hate – ненависть, ненавидеть, hunt – охота, охотиться, lift – лифт, поднимать употреблялись в первом предложении как существительное, а во втором как глагол.
3) определить часть речи следующих слов: round, fly, harm, alarm.
(дети проверяют работы друг друга по образцу, написанному на доске: 1. Сущ., гл., сущ., гл., прил., сущ., гл., сущ).
Второе задание я проверю сама. А вот скажите мне, какой части речи слово round?
А можем мы определить часть речи?
Действительно вне контекста мы не можем с точностью сказать, какая это часть речи, конечно, если перед словом стоит артикль, то мы можем сказать, что это существительное. Если же дано только графическое изображение слова, мы не сможем определить часть речи.
В английском языке есть такие слова, которые, не меняя формы, могут выражать разные части речи.
Существительное – глагол, прилагательное – глагол, прилагательное – существительное.
Потому что это слово может быть и существительным, и прилагательным.
|Это такие слова, как: clean, green, cook, orange.|
|Слово green является прилагательным.|
Appendix 7. The results of Ascertaining and Control experiment.
|A pink-«гвоздика, розовый»|
|Этот тест сложный для тебя?|
|A violet переводится, как «фиалка».|
|Blue может переводиться как «небо».|
Предложение: «В сиреневой вазе стояла ветка сирени.» переводится так: “There was a branch of lilac in the lilac vase”.
|Не справились с работой.||Средний уровень. ||Все выполнено верно.|
|Количество человек из 12.||9||3||0|
|Количество в % от 100%.||75%||25%||0%|
|Не справились с работой. ||Средний уровень. ||Все выполнено верно.|
|Количество человек из 12.||1||3||8|
|Количество в % от 100%. ||8,3%||25%||6,7%|