Диплом: Regional variation of pronunciation in the south-west of England
МОСКОВСКИЙ ГОРОДСКОЙ ПЕДАГОГИЧЕСКИЙ УНИВЕРСИТЕТ
Факультет иностранных языков
по фонетике английского языка
«REGIONAL VARIATION OF PRONUNCIATION IN THE SOUTH-WEST OF ENGLAND»
Part I. The Specific Features of dialects
1. What is the “dialect”?.......................4
2. Geographic dialects........................5
3. Dialectal change and diffusion......................5
4. Unifying influences on dialects.....................8
5. Focal, relic, and transitional areas....................9
6. Received Pronunciation.......................9
7. Who first called it PR?.......................10
8. Social Variation.........................11
9. Dialects of England: Traditional and Modern...............12
Part II. Background to the Cornish Language
1. Who are the Cornish?.........................15
2. What is a Celtic Language?.....................15
3. How is Cornish Related to other Celtic Languages?.............15
4. The Decline of Cornish......................15
5. The Rebirth of Cornish......................16
6. Standard Cornish..........................16
7. Who uses Cornish Today?.......................16
8. Government Recognition for Cornish..................16
Part III. Peculiarities of South-Western Dialects
3.2.1 Gender making in Wessex-type English..............27
3.5.1 Demonstrative adjectives and pronouns
in a Devonshire dialect...................31
3.8 Transitivity and intransivity in the dialects
of South-West England......................44
The modern English language is an international language nowadays. It is also
the first spoken language of such countries as Australia, New Zealand,
Canada, South Africa.
But in the very United Kingdom there are some varieties of it, called
dialects, and accents.
The purpose of the present research paper is to study the characteristic
features of the present day dialect of the South-Western region in
To achieve this purpose it is necessary to find answers to the following
- What is the “dialect”?
- Why and where is it spoken?
- How does it differ from the standard language?
Methods of this research paper included the analysis of works of the famous
linguists and phoneticians as Peter Trudgill and J.K. Chambers, Paddock and
Harris, J.A. Leuvensteijn and J.B. Berns, M.M. Makovsky and D.A. Shakhbagova,
and also the needed information from Britannica and the encyclopedia by David
Crystal and the speech of the native population of Devonshire and Wiltshire.
Structurally the paper consists of three parts focused on the information
about “the dialect” in general and the ways it differs from the standard
language (its phonetic, grammar and other linguistic differences), and the
specific features of the South-West of England.
The status of the English language in the XXth century has undergone certain
changes. Modern English has become a domineering international language of
PART I. The Specific Features of dialects.
1. What is the “dialect”?
Dialect is a variety of a language. This very word comes from the Ancient Greek
dialectos “discourse, language, dialect”, which is derived from
dialegesthai “to discourse, talk”. A dialect may be distinguished from other
dialects of the same language by features of any part of the linguistic
structure - the phonology, morphology, or syntax.
“The label dialect, or dialectal, is attached to substandard speech, language
usage that deviates from the accepted norm. On the other hand the standard
language can be regarded as one of the dialects of a given language. In a
special historical sense, the term dialect applies to a language considered
as one of a group deriving from a common ancestor, e.g. English dialects”.
It is often considered difficult to decide whether two linguistic varieties
are dialects of the same language or two separate but closely related
languages; this is especially true of dialects of primitive societies.
Normally, dialects of the same language are considered to be mutually
intelligible while different languages are not. Intelligibility between
dialects is, however, almost never absolutely complete; on the other hand,
speakers of closely related languages can still communicate to a certain
extent when each uses his own mother tongue. Thus, the criterion of
intelligibility is quite relative. In more developed societies, the
distinction between dialects and related languages is easier to make because
of the existence of standard languages and, in some cases, national
There is the term ‘vernacular’ among the synonyms for dialect; it refers to
the common, everyday speech of the ordinary people of a region. The word
accent has numerous meanings; in addition to denoting the pronunciation of a
person or a group of people (“a foreign accent”, “a British accent”, “a
Southern accent”). In contrast to accent, the term dialect is used to refer
not only to the sounds of language but also to its grammar and vocabulary.
2. Geographic dialects.
The most widespread type of dialectal differentiation is geographic. As a
rule, the speech of one locality differs from that of any other place.
Differences between neighbouring local dialects are usually small, but, in
travelling farther in the same direction, differences accumulate.
“Every dialectal feature has its own boundary line, called an isogloss
(or sometimes heterogloss). Isoglosses of various linguistic phenomena rarely
coincide completely, and by crossing and interweaving they constitute intricate
patterns on dialect maps. Frequently, however, several isoglosses are grouped
approximately together into a bundle of isoglosses. This grouping is caused
either by geographic obstacles that arrest the diffusion of a number of
innovations along the same line or by historical circumstances, such as
political borders of long standing, or by migrations that have brought into
contact two populations whose dialects were developed in noncontiguous areas”.
Geographic dialects include local ones or regional ones. Regional dialects do
have some internal variation, but the differences within a regional dialect
are supposedly smaller than differences between two regional dialects of the
“In a number of areas (“linguistic landscapes”) where the dialectal
differentiation is essentially even, it is hardly justified to speak of
regional dialects. This uniformity has led many linguists to deny the
meaningfulness of such a notion altogether; very frequently, however,
bundles of isoglosses - or even a single isogloss of major importance -
permit the division, of a territory into regional dialects. The public is
often aware of such divisions, usually associating them with names of
geographic regions or provinces, or with some feature of pronunciation.
Especially clear-cut cases of division are those in which geographic
isolation has played the principal role”. (№9, p.397)
3. Dialectal change and diffusion.
The basic cause of dialectal differentiation is linguistic change. Every
living language constantly changes in its various elements. Because languages
are extremely complex systems of signs, it is almost inconceivable that
linguistic evolution could affect the same elements and even transform them
in the same way in all regions where one language is spoken and for all
speakers in the same region. At first glance, differences caused by
linguistic change seem to be slight, but they inevitably accumulate with time
(e.g. compare Chaucer’s English with modern English). Related languages
usually begin as dialects of the same language.
“When a change (an innovation) appears among only one section of the speakers
of a language, this automatically creates a dialectal difference. Sometimes
an innovation in dialect A contrasts with the unchanged usage (archaism) in
dialect B. Sometimes a separate innovation occurs in each of the two
dialects. Of course, different innovations will appear in different dialects,
so that, in comparison with its contemporaries, no one dialect as a whole can
be considered archaic in any absolute sense. A dialect may be characterized
as relatively archaic, because it shows fewer innovations than the others; or
it may be archaic in one feature only”. (№9, p.415)
After the appearance of a dialectal feature, interaction between speakers who
have adopted this feature and those who have not leads to the expansion of
its area or even to its disappearance. In a single social milieu (generally
the inhabitants of the same locality, generation and social class), the
chance of the complete adoption or rejection of a new dialectal feature is
very great; the intense contact and consciousness of membership within the
social group fosters such uniformity. When several age groups or social
strata live within the same locality and especially when people speaking the
same language live in separate communities dialectal differences are easily
“The element of mutual contact plays a large role in the maintenance of
speech patterns; that is why differences between geographically distant
dialects are normally greater than those between dialects of neighbouring
settlements. This also explains why bundles of isoglosses so often form along
major natural barriers - impassable mountain ranges, deserts, uninhabited
marshes or forests, or wide rivers - or along political borders. Similarly,
racial or religious differences contribute to linguistic differentiation
because contact between members of one faith or race and those of another
within the same area is very often much more superficial and less frequent
than contact between members of the same racial or religious group. An
especially powerful influence is the relatively infrequent occurrence of
intemarriages, thus preventing dialectal mixture at the point where it is
most effective; namely, in the mother tongue learned by the child at home”.
The fact that speech, in particular, can give such a clear answer to the
question “Where are you from?” exercises a peculiar fascination, and the terms
dialect and accent are a normal part of everyday vocabulary. We can
notice regional differences in the way people talk, laugh at dialect jokes,
enjoy dialect literature and folklore and appreciate the point of dialect
At the same time - and this is the paradox of dialect study - we can easily
make critical judgements about ways of speaking which we perceive as alien.
These attitudes are usually subconscious.
The study of regional linguistic variation is very important. The more we
know about regional variation and change in the use of English, the more we
will come to appreciate the individuality of each of the varieties which we
call dialects, and the less we are likely to adopt demeaning stereotypes
about people from other parts of the country.
As for the United Kingdom until 1700 the small population was sparsely
distributed and largely rural and agricultural, much as it had been in medieval
times. From the mid-18th century, scientific and technological
innovations created the first modern industrial state, while, at the same time,
agriculture was undergoing technical and tenurial changes and revolutionary
improvements in transport made easier the movement of materials and people. As
a result, by the first decade of the 19th century, a previously
mainly rural population had been largely replaced by a nation made up of
industrial workers and town dwellers.
The rural exodus was a long process. The breakdown of communal farming started
before the 14th century; and subsequently enclosures
advanced steadily, especially after 1740, until a century later open fields had
virtually disappeared from the landscape. Many of the landless agricultural
labourers so displaced were attracted to the better opportunities for
employment and the higher wage levels existing in the growing industries; their
movements, together with those of the surplus population produced by the
contemporary rapid rise in the birth rate, resulted in a high volume of
internal migration that took the form of a movement toward the towns.
Industry, as well as the urban centres that inevitably grew up around it, was
increasingly located near the coalfields, while the railway network, which
grew rapidly after 1830, enhanced the commercial importance of many towns.
The migration of people especially young people, from the country to
industrialized towns took place at an unprecedented rate in the early railway
age, and such movements were relatively confined geographically.
Soon after World War I, new interregional migrations flow commenced when the
formerly booming 19th-century industrial and mining districts lost
much of their economic momentum. Declining or stagnating heavy industry in
Clydeside, northeastern England, South Wales, and parts of Lancashire and
Yorkshire swelled the ranks of the unemployed, and the consequent outward
migration became the drift to the relatively more prosperous Midlands and
southern England. This movement of people continued until it was arrested by
the relatively full employment conditions that obtained soon after the outbreak
of World War II.
In the 1950-s, opportunities for employment in the United Kingdom improved
with government sponsored diversification of industry, and this did much to
reduce the magnitude of the prewar drift to the south. The decline of certain
northern industries - coal mining shipbuilding, and cotton textiles in
particular - had nevertheless reached a critical level by the late 1960s, and
the emergence of new growth points in the West Midlands and southwestern
England made the drift to the south a continuing feature of British economic
life. Subsequently, the area of most rapid growth shifted to East Anglia, the
South West, and the East Midlands. This particular spatial emphasis resulted
from the deliberately planned movement of people to the New Towns in order to
relieve the congestion around London.
4. Unifying influences on dialects.
Communication lines such as roads (if they are at least several centuries
old), river valleys, or seacoasts often have a unifying influence. Also
important urban centres often form the hub of a circular region in which the
same dialect is spoken. In such areas the prestige dialect of the city has
obviously expanded. As a general rule, those dialects, or at least certain
dialectal features, with greater social prestige tend to replace those that
are valued lower on the social scale.
In times of less frequent contact between populations, dialectal differences
increase, in periods, of greater contact, they diminish. Mass literacy,
schools, increased mobility of populations, and mass communications all
contribute to this tendency.
Mass migrations may also contribute to the formation of a more
or less uniform dialect over broad geographic areas. Either the resulting
dialect is that of the original homeland of a particular migrating population
or it is a dialect mixture formed by the levelling of differences among
migrants from more than one homeland. The degree of dialectal differentiation
depends to a great extent on the length of time a certain population has
remained in a certain place.
5. Focal, relic, and transitional areas.
Dialectologists often distinguish between focal areas - which provide sources
of numerous important innovations and usually coincide with centres of lively
economic or cultural activity - and relic areas - places toward which such
innovations are spreading but have not usually arrived. (Relic areas also
have their own innovations, which, however, usually extend over a smaller
“Relic areas or relic phenomena are particularly common in out-of-the-way
regional pockets or along the periphery of a particular language’s
The borders of regional dialects often contain transitional areas that share
some features with one neighbour and some with the other. Such mixtures
result from unequal diffusion of innovations from both sides. Similar unequal
diffusion in mixed dialects in any region also may be a consequence of
population mixture created by migrations”. (№9, p.420)
6. Received Pronunciation.
“The abbreviation RP (Received Pronunciation) denotes the speech of educated
people living in London and the southeast of England and of other people
elsewhere who speak in this way. If the qualifier ‘educated’ be assumed, RP
is then a regional (geographical) dialect, as contrasted with London Cockney,
which is a class (social) dialect. RP is not intrinsically superior to other
varieties of English; it is itself only one particular regional dialect that
has, through the accidents of history, achieved more extensive use than
others. Although acquiring its unique status without the aid of any
established authority, it may have been fostered by the public schools
(Winchester, Eton, Harrow and so on) and the ancient universities (Oxford and
Cambridge). Other varieties of English are well preserved in spite of the
levelling influences of film, television, and radio”. (№8, p.365)
The ancestral form of RP was well-established over 400 years ago as the
accent of the court and the upper classes. The English courtier George
Puttenham writing in 1589 thought that the English of nothern men, whether
they be noblemen or gentlemen. is not so courtly or so current as our
Southern English is.
The present-day situation.
Today, with the breakdown of rigid divisions between social classes and the
development of the mass media, RP is no longer the preserve of a social
elite. It is most widely heard on the BBC; but there are also conservative
and trend-setting forms.
Early BBC recordings show how much RP has altered over just a few decades,
and they make the point that no accent is immune to change, not even “the
best”. But the most important fact is that RP is no longer as widely used
today as it was 50 years ago. Most educated people have developed an accent
which is a mixture of RP and various regional characteristics - “modified
RP”, some call it. In some cases, a former RP speaker has been influenced by
regional norms; in other cases a former regional speaker has moved in the
direction of RP.
7. Who first called it RP?
The British phonetician Daniel Jones was the first to codify the properties
of RP. It was not a label he much liked, as he explains in “An Outline of
English Phonetics” (1980):
“I do not consider it possible at the present time to regard any special type as
“standard” or as intrinsically “better” than other types. Nevertheless, the
type described in this book is certainly a useful one. It is based on my own
(Southern) speech, and is, as far as I can ascertain, that generally used by
those who have been educated at “preparatory” boarding schools and the “Public
Schools”. The term “Received Pronunciation”. is often used to designate this
type of pronunciation. This term is adopted here for want of a better”. (1960,
9th edn, p.12)
The historical linguist H.C. Wyld also made much use of the term ‘received’
in “A Short History of English” (1914):
“It is proposed to use the term ‘Received Standard’ for that form which all
would probably agree in considering the best that form which has the widest
currency and is heard with practically no variation among speakers of the
better class all over the country”. (1927, 3rd edn, p.149)
The previous usage to which Jones refers can be traced back to the
dialectologist A.J. Ellis, in “On Early English Pronunciation” (1869):
“In the present day we may, however, recognize a received pronunciation all
over the country. It may be especially considered as the educated
pronunciation of the metropolis of the court, the pulpit, and the bar”.
Even then, there were signs of the future, for he goes on to say:
“But in as much as all these localities and professions are recruited from
the provinces, there will be a varied thread of provincial utterance running
through the whole”.» (№8, p.365)
8. Social variation.
As for the accents, they refer to the varieties in pronunciation, which
convey information about a person’s geographical origin. These varieties are
partly explained by social mobility and new patterns of settlement. Distinct
groups or social formation within the whole may be set off from each other in
a variety of ways: by gender, by age, by class, by ethnic identity.
Particular groups will tend to have characteristic ways of using the
language-characteristic ways of pronouncing it, - for example - and these
will help to mark off the boundaries of one group from another. They belong
to different social groups and perform different social roles. A person might
be identified as ‘a woman’, ‘a parent’, ‘a child’, ‘a doctor’, or in many
other ways. Many people speak with an accent, which shows the influence of
their place of work. Any of these identities can have consequences for the
kind of language they use. Age, sex, and socio-economic class have been
repeatedly shown to be of importance when it comes to explaining the way
sounds, constructions, and vocabulary vary.
I think the best example to show it is the famous play “Pygmalion” by Bernard
Shaw touched upon social classes, speech and social status of people using
different types of accents and dialects. One of the ideas was that it is
possible to tell from a person’s speech not only where he comes from but what
class he belongs to. But no matter what class a person belongs to, he can
easily change his pronunciation depending on what environment he finds
himself in. The heroine Liza aired his views, saying: “When a child is
brought to a foreign country, it picks up the language in a few weeks, and
forgets its own. Well, I am a child in your country. I have forgotten my own
language, and can speak nothing but yours.” (№13, p.64).
So some conclusions about the kinds of social phenomena that influence change
through contact with other dialects can be made:
a) dialects differ from region through the isolation of groups of speakers;
b) dialects change through contact with other dialects;
c) the upper classes reinforce Standard English and RP through education.
9. Dialects of England: Traditional and Modern.
After the retirement of the Romans from the island the invading immigrants
were the Jutes, Saxons, Danes and Angles. The Jutes seized Kent, The Isle of
Wight and a part of the mainland; the Saxons had all those parts that have
now the suffix ‘sex’, as Essex, Sussex, Middlesex, and Wessex; and the Angles
took possession of that tract of the north that has the present terminations
‘land’, ‘shire’ and ‘folk’, as Suffolk, Yorkshire, Northumberland. These last
afterwards gave the name to the whole island.
Dialects are not to be considered corruption of a language, but as varieties
less favoured than the principal tongue of the country. Of the various
dialects, it must be borne in mind that the northern countries retain many
words now obsolete in current English: these words are of the genuine
Teutonic stock. The pronunciation may seem rough and harsh, but is the same
as that used by the forefathers; consequently it must not be considered
barbarous. The other countries of England differ from the vernacular by a
Awareness of regional variation in England is evident from the fourteenth
century, seen in the observation of such writers as Higden/Trevisa or William
Caxton and in the literary presentation of the characters in Chaucer’s “Reeve’s
Tale” or the Wakefield “Second Shepherd’s Play”. Many of the writers on
spelling and grammar in the 16th and 17th centuries made
comments about regional variation, and some (such as Alexander Gil) were highly
systematic in their observants, though the material is often obscured by a fog
of personal prejudices.
The picture which emerges from the kind of dialect information obtained by
the Survey of English Dialects relates historically to the dialect divisions
recognized in Old and Middle English.
The classification of modern dialects presents serious difficulties as their
boundaries are rather vague and the language standard more and more invades
the spread area of the dialectal speech. One of the most serious attempts at
such classification was made by A. Ellis. His classification more or less
exactly reflects the dialectal map of modern Great Britain and it was taken
as the basis by many dialectologists.
The map below displays thirteen traditional dialect areas (it excludes the
western tip of Cornwall and most of Wales, which were not English speaking
until the 18th century). A major division is drawn between the North
and everywhere else, broadly following the boundary between the Anglo-Saxon
kingdoms of Northumbria and Mercia, and a Secondary division is found between
much of the Midlands and areas further south. A hierarchal representation of
the dialect relationship is shown below. (№8, p.324).
Relatively few people in England now speak a dialect of the kind represented
above. Although some forms will still be encountered in real life, they are
more often found in literary representations of dialect speech and in dialect
humour books. The disappearance of such pronunciations, and their associated
lexicon and grammar, is sometimes described as “English dialects dying out”.
The reality is that they are more than compensated for by the growth of a
range of comparatively new dialect forms, chiefly associated with the urban
areas of the country. If the distinguishing features of these dialects are
used as the basis of classification, a very different-looking dialect map
emerges with 16 major divisions.
Part II. Background of the Cornish language.
The southwestern areas of England include Devonshire, Somersetshire,
Cornwall, Wiltshire and Dosertshire. But first of all I’d like to draw your
attention to the Cornish language as it doesn’t exist now.
The History of Cornish.
1. Who are the Cornish?
The Cornish are a Celtic people, in ancient times the Westernmost kingdom of
the Dumnonii, the people who inhabited all of Cornwall, Devon and West
The Cornish are probably the same people who have lived in Cornwall since the
introduction of farming around 3000 B.C.. The start of farming in Cornwall
may also indicate the start of what some scholars now term ‘proto Indo-
European’, from whence the Celtic languages along with the Italic and other
related groups of languages began evolving.
2. What is a Celtic Language?
Around 2000 B.C., the group of languages now called Celtic languages started
to split away from the other members of the Indo-European group of languages.
By 1200 B.C. Celtic civilisation, a heroic culture with its own laws and
religion is first known. It is from this period that the first king lists and
legends are believed to come.
3. How is Cornish Related to other Celtic Languages?
Between 1500 B.C. and the first encounters with the Romans (around 350 B.C.),
the Celtic languages are believed to split into two distinct groups, the ‘p’
and ‘q’ Celtic branches. Cornish, Welsh and Breton (to which Cornish is most
closely related) are the three remaining ‘p’ Celtic languages. Irish, Scots
Gaelic and Manx being the ‘q’ Celtic tongues.
4. The Decline of Cornish.
Cornish developed pretty much naturally into a modern European language until
the 17th century, after which it came under pressure by the
encroachment of English. Factors involved in its decline included the
introduction of the English prayer book, the rapid introduction of English as a
language of commerce and most particularly the negative stigma associated with
what was considered by Cornish people themselves as the language of the poor.
5. The Rebirth of Cornish.
Cornish died out as a native language in the late 19th century, with
the last Cornish speaker believed to have lived in Penwith. By this time
however, Cornish was being revived by Henry Jenner, planting the seeds for the
current state of the language and it is supposed that the last native speaker
was the fishwoman Dolly Pentreath.
6. Standard Cornish.
Standard Cornish was developed from Jenner’s work by a team under the
leadership of Morton Nance, culminating in the first full set of grammars,
dictionaries and periodicals. Standard Cornish (Unified) is again being
developed through UCR (Unified Cornish Revised), and incorporates most
features of Cornish, including allowing for Eastern and Western forms of
pronunciation and colloquial and literary forms of Cornish.
7. Who uses Cornish Today?
Today Cornish typically appeals to all age groups and to those either who
have an empathy with Cornwall, who have Cornish roots or perhaps have moved
to Cornwall from elsewhere. One of the great successes of Cornish today is
ifs wide appeal. After a break in native speakers for nearly one hundred
years, Cornwall now has many children who now have Cornish as a native
language along side English, and many more who are fluent in the language.
8. Government Recognition for Cornish.
Cornish is the only modern Celtic language that receives no significant
support from government, despite the growing numbers learning Cornish, and
the immense good will towards it from ordinary Cornish people and from
This contrasts strongly with the favourable stand taken by the Manx
government towards Manx for example, as evidenced by Manx primary school
places being made generally available.
Recently, the UK government scrapped the Cornish GCSE. Lack of Cornish
language facilities and support is no longer just a language issue, but is
rapidly becoming a civil rights and political issue too. Despite the growing
support of councillors in Cornwall, some key individuals in County Hall
continue to make clear their hostility to the language.
e.g. of the Cornish language:
“Pyw yw an Gernowyon?
Pobel Geltek yw an bobel a Gernow . Yn osow hendasek, an wtas Gorfewenna yn
Wtas Dumnonii, neb a dregas yn Kernow, Dewnans ha Gwtas an Haf.
Y hyltyr bos del An Gernowyon a wrug trega yn Kernow hedro an dallath gonys
tyr adro 3000 K.C.. An dallath gonys tyr yn Kernow a vo dallath an os ‘proto
Yndo-Europek’, dres an tavajow Keltek ha tavajow Ytaiek dallath dhe
Part III. Peculiarities of South-Western Dialects.
The definite article.
- There isn’t the definite article before “same”: ’Tis same’s I
always told ’ee”.
- The of-phrase “the. of” is of ten used instead of the possessive
pronoun (e.g. “the head of him “instead of” his head”)
The plural form of a noun.
- In many cases -s (es) can be added for several times:
e.g. steps [’steps∂z] (South Som.)
- in some cases [n] is heard at the end of the word:
e.g. keys [ki:n] (Wil.)
cows [kain] (Dev.)
bottles [botln] (South-W. Dev.)
primroses [prımr zn] (Dev.)
- but sometimes [s] is heard in the words ended with “-n”
e.g. oxen [ ksnz] (Western Som.)
rushes [rıksnz] (Dev.)
- some nouns have the same form in the singular and in the plural:
e.g. chicken - chickens [t∫ık] (Som.)
pipe - pipes [paıp] (Som.)
- sometimes the plural form of the noun is used insted of the
a house [auzn] (Southern Wil.)
The full characteristic of Gender in South-Western English I’d like to base
on the part of the article by Paddock. Paddock uses the historical lebel
“Wessex” to describe the countries of South-Western England.
3.2.1 Gender making in Wessex-type English.
“It is usually claimed that English nouns lost their grammatical gender
during the historical period called Middle English, roughly 1100-1500. But
this claim needs some qualification. What actually happened during the Middle
English period was that more overt gender marking of English nouns gave way
to more covert marking. As in Lyons (1968:281-8), the term ‘gender’ is used
here to refer to morphosyntactic classes of nouns. It is true that the loss
of adjective concord in Middle English made gender marking less overt; but
Modern English still retains some determiner concord which allows us to
classify nouns (Christophersen and Sandved 1969). In addition, Modern English
(ModE), like Old English (OE) and Middle English (ME), possesses pronominal
distinctions which enable us to classify nouns.
We can distinguish at least three distinctly different types of gender
marking along the continuum from most overt to most covert. The most overt
involves the marking of gender in the morphology of the noun itself, as in
Swahili (Lyons 1968:284-6). Near the middle of the overt-covert continuum we
could place the marking of gender in adnominals such as adjectives and
determiners. At or near the covert end of the scale we find the marking of
gender in pronominal systems.
During all three main historical stages of the English language (OE, ME, ModE)
one has been able to assign nouns to three syntactic classes called MASCULINE,
FEMININE and NEUTER. However, throughout the recorded history of English this
three-way gender marking has become less and less overt. In OE all three types
of gender marking were present. But even in OE the intrinsic marking (by noun
inflections) was often ambiguous in that it gave more information about noun
declension (ie paradigm class) than about gender (ie concord
class). The least ambiguous marking of gender in OE was provided by the
adnominals traditionally called demonstratives and definite articles. In
addition, gender ‘discord’ sometimes occurred in OE, in that the intrinsic
gender marking (if any) and the adnominal marking, on the one hand, did not
always agree with the gender of the pronominal, on the other hand. Standard ME
underwent the loss of a three-way gender distinction in the morphology of both
the nominals and the adnominals. This meant that Standard ModE nouns were left
with only the most covert type of three-way gender marking, that of the
pronominals. Hence we can assign a Standard ModE noun to the gender class
MASCULINE, FEMININE or NEUTER by depending only on whether it selects he,
she or it respectively as its proform.
During the ME and Early ModE periods the south-western (here called Wessex-
type) dialects of England diverged from Standard English in their
developments of adnominal and pronominal subsystems. In particular, the
demonstratives of Standard English lost all trace of gender marking, whereas
in south-western dialects their OE three-way distinction of
MASCULINE/FEMININE/NEUTER developed into a two-way MASS/COUNT distinction
which has survived in some Wessex-type dialects of Late ModE. The result in
Wessex was that the two-way distinction in adnominals such as demonstratives
and indefinites came into partial conflict with the three-way distinction in
pronominals”. (№18, p.31-32)
- Nowadays in the south-western dialects the pronouns ‘he’ / ‘she’ are used
instead of a noun:
e.g. My ooman put her bonnet there last year, and the birds laid their eggs
in him. (= it)
Wurs my shovel? I aa got’im; him’s her. (= Where is my shovel? I’ve got it.
- In the south-western dialects objects are divided into two categories:
1) countable nouns (a tool, a tree), and the pronouns ‘he’ / ‘she’ are
used with them
2) uncountable nouns (water, dust), and the pronoun ‘it’ is used with them.
The pronoun ‘he’ is used towards women.
In south-western dialects the compound numerals (21-99) are pronounced as:
five and fifty, six and thirty.
In Devonshire instead of ‘the second’ ‘twoth’ is used (the twenty-twoth of
In all dialects of the south-west -er, -est are used in the comparative and
superative degrees with one-, two- and more syllabic adjectives:
e.g. the naturaler
worser - worsest (Dw.)
- The words: ‘gin’, ‘an’, ‘as’, ‘nor’, ‘till’, ‘by’, ‘to’, ‘in’, ‘on’
are used instead of ‘than’ in the comparative forms:
e.g. When the lad there wasn’t scarce the height of that stool, and a less
size on (= than) his brother.;
That’s better gin naething;
More brass inney (= than you) hadd’n;
It’s moor in bargain (= more than a bargain).
- The word ‘many’ is used with uncountable nouns
e.g. many water / milk
- The word ‘first’ is often used in the meaning of ‘the next’:
e.g. The first time I gang to the smiddie I’ll give it to him.
Will you come Monday first or Monday eight days?
- The forms of the nominative case are often used instead of the
forms of the objective case and vice versa:
e.g. Oi don’t think much o’ they (= of them).
Oi went out a-walkin wi’ she (= with her).
Oi giv ut t’ he (= it) back again.
Us (= we) don’t want t’ play wi’ he (= him).
Har (= she) oon’t speak t’ th’ loikes o’ we (= us).
When us (= we) is busy, him (= he) comes and does a day’s work for we (= us).
- The pronoun ‘mun’ (‘min’) is used in those cases, when in the
literary language ‘them’ is used:
e.g. put mun in the house
gie mun to me
I mind (= remember) the first time I seed mun.
- ‘Mun’ is also used instead of ‘him’, ‘it’
e.g. let min alone
it would sarve un right if I telled the parson of mun
- Instead of ‘those’, ‘them’ is used:
e.g. I mind none of them things.
Give us them apples.
Fetch them plaates off o’ th’ pantry shelf.
- In the south-western dialects at the beginning of the sentenu the
personal and impersonal pronouns are often dropped.
- “Whom” is never used in the south-western dialects. Instead of it
‘as’ / ‘at’ is used:
e.g. That’s the chap as (or what) his uncle was hanged.
The man’ at his coat’s torn.
- The nominative case of the personal pronouns is also used before
e.g. we selves (Somerseshire, Devonshire)
- The standard demonstrative pronoun ‘this’ is used in the south-
western dialects as: ‘this’, ‘this here’, ‘thease’, ‘thisn’, ‘thisna’.
- The standard demonstrative pronoun ‘that’ is used in the south-
western dialects as: ‘thatn’, ‘thickumy’, ‘thilk’:
e.g. I suppose I could have told thee thilk.
- ‘Those’ is never used in the south-western dialects.
“thir’ ans” is used instead of it.
3.5.1 Demonstrative adjectives and pronouns in a Devonshire dialect.
I’d like to give not only the grammatical description of adjectives and
pronouns in the south-western part of England, but the pronunciation of
demonstrative adjectives and pronouns found in the dialect of south zeal, a
village on the northern edge of Dartmoor. Martin Harris made his research
work in this field:
“The analysis is based on a corpus of some twenty hours of tape-recorded
conversation, collected in the course of work for a Ph.D. thesis, either in
the form of a dialogue between two informants or of a monologue on the part
of a single informant. The principal informant, Mr George Cooper, has lived
for some eighty-five years in the parish, and has only spent one night in his
life outside the county of Devon.
For the purposes of this chapter, only one phonological point needs to be
made. The /r/ phoneme is retroflex in final position, and induces a preceding
weak central vowel [∂] when occurring in the environment /Vr/, (thus
[V∂r]), when the /V/ in question is /i:/ or /ε/. (These are the
only two vowels relevant within this work.). The transcription used for the
actual forms should not give rise to any further problems. In the case of the
illustrative examples, 1 have decided to use a quasi-orthographical
representation, since the actual phonetic/phonemic realization is not
directly relevant to the point under discussion. The prominent syllable(s) in
each example are illustrated thus: “.
We may now proceed to look at the actual forms found in the dialect (Table 1):
“a” after “w”
is realized as [a:]:
wander [wa:nd ]
is realized as [æ]:
“asp”, “ass”, “ast”, “a” → [æ]: grass [græs], glass [glæs], fast [fæst]
“al + a consonant”
“l” is realized as [a:] or
a + l, a + ll
in the open syllable
“a” → [æ]:
in the open syllable
“a” → [æ]:
The first sound is vowel
“e” in the closed syllables → “a”
egg [ag], fetch [fat∫], step [stap],
wretch [rat∫], stretch [strat∫]
“e” in the closed syllables → [eı]
|egg [eıg], stretch [streıt∫]|
“e” in the closed syllables → [e:]
|Leg [le:g], bed [be:d], hedge [he:dz]|
if “e” follows “w” → [ :]
well [w :l]
twelve [tw :lv]
wench [w :nt∫]
“i” in the closed syllable
→ [ ]:
bill [b l]
little [’l tl]
children [’t∫ ldr n]
cliff [kl f]
hill [h l]
drift [dr ft]
shrimp [∫r mp]
fit [f t]
ship [∫ p]
pig [p g]
fish [f ∫]
“ight” → [e]
if a nasal consonant follows “i”
“i” before “nd”
“i” before “ld”
“i” in the open syllable
→ [ ı]:
fly [fl ı]
lie [l ı]
“o” in the closed syllable followed by a consonant
→ [ ]:
cot [k t]
bottom [b tm]
dog [d g]
cross [kr s]
“o” + a nasal consonant
“ol” + a consonant
“o” in the open syllable and “oa”
→ [ ]:
bone [b n]
broad [br d]
rope [r p]
load [l d]
“u” in the closed syllable
“ou” / ”ow”
→ [ ]:
book [b k]
brook [br k]
crook [kr k]
look [l k]
took [t k]
good [g d]
foot [f t]
soot [s t]
flood [fl d]
→ [ ]:
book [b k]
brook [br k]
crook [kr k]
“i” in the open syllable
→ [ ı]:
fly [fl ı]
lie [l ı]
“o” in the closed syllable followed by a consonant
→ [ ]:
cot [k t]
bottom [b tm]
dog [d g]
cross [kr s]
“o” + a nasal consonant
|→ [æ]: among [∂’mæŋ], long [læŋ], wrong [wræŋ]|
“ol” + a consonant
|→ [u∂l]: gold [gv∂ld], old [u∂ld]|
→ [ ]:
bone [b n]
broad [br d]
rope [r p]
load [l d]
“u” in the closed syllable
→ [ ]:
book [b k]
brook [br k]
crook [kr k]
look [l k]
took [t k]
good [g d]
foot [f t]
soot [s t]
flood [fl d]
→ [ ]:
book [b k]
brook [br k]
crook [kr k]
look [l k]
“er”, “ir”, “ur”
|→ [a:]: fork [fa:k], horse [ha:s], horn [ha:n], short [∫a:t], |
| Morning [’ma:nıŋ], word [wa:d]|
[w] in the beginning of the word or before “h”
old [w l]
oak [w k]
hot [w t]
home [w m]
[w] is not pronounced:
“w” before “r”
|is not pronounced|
|is not pronounced|
wreck, wren, wrench, wrap, write, wrong
e.g. Ye vratch, ye’ve vrutten that a’vrang.
(= You wretch, you’ve written that all wrong.)
“wh” at the beginning of a word is [w], [u:], [u∂]
in the middle of a word [w] is pronounced
|boy [bwo], moist [mw ıst], toad [twud], cool [kwul], country [’kwıntrı]|
“f”, “th”, “s”, “sh” are voiced
Friday [’vræ:dı], friends [vrınz], fleas [vle:z], and in the these words: foe, father, fair, fear, find, fish, foal, full, follow, filth, fist, fire, fond, fault, feast, force, forge, fool.
[θ]: thought [ð :t], thick [ðık], thigh [ðaı], and in the words: from, freeze, fresh, free, friend, frost, frog, froth, flesh, fly flock, flood, fleece, fling, flower, fail.
“t” at the beginning of the word before a vowel
East D “t” in the middle of the word is voiced:
bottle [’b dl],
bottom [’b dm],
cattle [’k dl],
“t” in the middle of the word is voiced
bottle [’b dl],
bottom [’b dm],
cattle [’k dl],
|The consonant [t] in (the French borrowings) hasn’t become [t∫] as it is in RP:|
|picture [’pıkt∂r], nature [’net∂r], feature [’fı∂t∂r]|
the middle [t] sometimes disappears in the positions before “m.l”, “n.l”, “m.r”
The same happens to the middle [b]:
chamber > chimmer,
embers > emmers,
brambles > brimmels
between “l” and “r”; “r” and “l”; “n” and “r” a parasitic [d] has developed
|parlour [’pa:ld∂r], tailor [’taıld∂r], smaller [’sm :ld∂r], curls [’ka:dlz], hurl [’a:dl], marl [’ma:dl], quarrel [’kw :dl], world [’wa:dl], corner [’ka:nd∂r]|
a parasitic [d] appeared after [l, n, r]:
soul [s :ld]
scholar [’sk l∂d]
the middle [d] in the word “needle” comes after [l]: [ni:ld]
In the word “disturb” [b] is pronounced as [v] -
the first [θ] is pronounced as [ð]
|thank [ðæŋk] and in other words: thatch, thaw, thigh, thin, thing, think, third, thistle, thong, thought, thousand, thumb, thunder, Thursday|
Sometimes [θ] is pronounced as [t] at the end of the word:
In some words [s] at the beginning of the word is pronounced as [∫]:
The same happens when [s] is in the middle of the word:
|North-West W: [s] is sometimes pronounced as [z]: sure [zu∂r]|
“sh”, “sk” at the end of the word
cask [k s]
flask [fl s]
Sometimes instead of [k] [t∫] is heard:
back [b t∫]
sometimes the initial letter or a syllable is apsent
|believe, deliver, desire, directly, disturb, eleven, enough, except, occasion, inquest, epidemic|
the initial “cl”
|→ [tl]: clad [tlad], clap, clay, claw, clean, cleave, clergy, clerk, clew, cliff, climb, cling, clip, cloak, close, clot, cloth, cloud, clout|
“gl” in the beginning of the word
|→ [dl]: glad, glass, glisten, gloom, glove, glow|
[l] in the middle of the word isn’t pronounced
[l] is often → [ ]:
bill [bı’ ]
tool [tu’ ]
nibble [nı’b ]
milk [mı’ k]
silk [sı’ k]
The relative frequency of these forms is shown in Table 2.
|/ðat ðεr/||/ði-ki: ðεr/|
|First compound||/ðis ji:r/||/ðat ðεr/|
|Second compound||/ðis ji:r ji:r/||/ðat ðεr ðεr/|
|First compound||/ðejz ji:r/||/ðej ðεr/||/ði-ki: ðεr/|
The paradigm as outlined in Tables 1, 2 presents few morphological problems.
The two pairs of forms /ði:z/ and /ðis/ and /ðejz/ and /ði:z/
do, however, need examination. In the singular of the adjective, the two forms
/ði:z/ and /ðis/ are both frequent, being used mostly in unstressed and
stressed position respectively. However, some 30 per cent of the occurrences of
each form do not follow this tendency, so it does not seem profitable to set up
a stressed: unstressed opposition, particularly since such a division would
serve no purpose in the case of /ðat/ and /ði-ki:/. With the ‘first
compounds’, the form /ði:z ji:r/ outnumbers /ðis ji:r/ in the ratio 1
in the adjective position.
When functioning as a pronoun, /ði:z/ is rare as a simple form and never
occurs at all either within a first compound (although ‘first compounds’ are so
rare as pronouns that no generalization can usefully be made, see Table 2)
or within a ‘second compound’, where only /ðis ji:r ji:r/, never /ði:z
ji:r ji:r/, is found. Thus /ðis/ seems to be more favoured as a pronoun,
and /ði:z/ as an adjective; this, of course, is only a tendency.
In the plural, the position is more clear-cut. The normal adjective plurals are
/ðejz/ and /ðejz ji:r/, which outnumber /ði:z/ and /ði:z ji:r/
by a large margin (see Table 2). Such cases of the latter as do occur may
perhaps be ascribed to Standard English influence, since /ði:z/ is clearly
used normally as a singular rather than a plural form. The absence of any
reflex of /ðejz/ as a plural pronoun is discussed below.
The other forms present little morphological difficulty. There is only one
occurrence of /ði-ki:/ as a pronoun, although as an adjective it almost
outnumbers /ði:z/ and /ðat/ together, so it seems to belong primarily
to the adjectival system. The normal singular pronouns are either the simple
forms or the ‘second compounds’, the ‘first compounds’ being most unusual.
In the plural of the adjective, the simple forms are much more frequent than
their equivalent ‘first compounds’, whereas in the plural of the pronoun, there
is apparently only the one form /ðej/. The status of this form is discussed
The following are examples of those demonstatives which are not further
discussed below. The uses of /ðat/ as a singular adjective, of
/ði-ki:/ as a singular or plural adjective, and of all the pronouns are
fully exemplified in the syntactic section, and thus no examples are given
I come down “here to live in this little old “street.
Well; “this year, I done a bit “lighter.
Now “this season, tis “over.
This was coming “this way.
There’s all this here sort of “jobs going on to “day.
I was down “there where this here “plough was up “here.
These places be alright if you know where you’m “going to.
They got to pay the “wages to these people.
I do a bit of “gardening . . . and likes of all these things.
What makes all they “hills look so well?
Where “Jim was sent to, they two “met.
“They won’t have all they sort of people up there.
Tell “Cooper to “shift “they “stones “there.
We may now turn to the functions of those forms whose uses are identifiably
different from those of Standard English.
The most striking feature of the demonstrative system is that, in the singular
adjective system at least, there is apparently a three-term opposition
/ði:z : ðat : ði-ki:/, in contrast with the two-term system of
Standard English. It seems fair to say that the role of /ði:z/ is similar
to that of 'this' in Standard English (but see note on /ði:z ji:r/ below),
but any attempt to differentiate /ðat/ and /ði-ki:/ proves extremely
difficult. There are a number of sentences of the type:
If you was to put “that stick in across “thicky pony . . .
where the two forms seem to fill the same function. The virtual absence of
/ði-ki:/ from the pronoun system, together with the fact that /ði-ki:/
is three times as frequent as /ðat/ as an adjective, would suggest that
/ði-ki:/ is the normal adjectival form in the dialect, and that /
ðat/ has a greater range, having a function which is basically
pronominal but in addition adjectival at times. This is further supported by
the fact that when presented with sentences of the type:
He turned that “hare “three “times and “he caught it.
the informant claimed that /ði-ki:/ would be equally acceptable and could
indicate no distinction. Thus there are pairs of sentences such as
I used to walk that there “two mile and “half.
You'd walk thicky “nine “mile.
That finished “that job.
I wouldn’t have “thicky job.
There are certain cases where either one form or the other seems to be required.
In particular, /ðat/ is used when actually indicating a size with the
Go up and see the stones “that length, “that thickness.
while /ði-ki:/ is used in contrast with /t∂-ðr/, where Standard
English would normally use ‘one’ or ‘the one’.
Soon as they got it “thicky hand, they’d thruck(?) it away with the “tother.
In the adjective plural, the contrast between /ði-ki:/ and /ðej/ is not
a real one, since /ði-ki:/ is found only with numerals.
I had thicky “eighteen “bob a “week.
I expect thicky “nine was all “one “man’s sheep.
When presented with /ði-ki:/ before plural nominals, the informant rejected
them. It would therefore be preferable to redefine ‘singular’ and ‘plural’ in
the dialect to account for this, rather than to consider /ði-ki:/ as a
plural form; this would accordingly neutralize in the plural any
/ði-ki:/:/ðat/ opposition which may exist in the singular.
In the pronominal system, there is only one occurrence of /ði-ki:/:
My missis bought “thicky before her “died (a radio).
It is true that most of the occurrences of /ðal/ as a pronoun do not refer
to a specific antecedent, e.g. I can’t afford to do “that, but
there are a number of cases where /ðat/ does play a role closely parallel
to /ði-ki:/ above.
As “I was passing “that, and “that was passing “me (a dog).
As there are no other examples of /ði-ki:/ as a singular pronoun, either
simply or as part of a ‘first’ or ‘second compound’, and no cases at all in the
plural, it seems fair to say that any /ðat/:/ði-ki:/ opposition is
realized only in the singular adjective, and that here too it is difficult to
see what the basis of any opposition might be. A list of representative
examples of /ðat/, /ðat ðεr/, /ði-ki:/ and /ði-ki:
ðεr/ is given below, in their function as singular adjectives, so that
they can easily be compared.
All they got to “do is steer that little “wheel a bit.
You’d put in “dynamite to blast that stone “off.
Us’d go “in that pub and have a pint of “beer.
I used to walk that there “two mile and “half.
Good as “gold, that there “thing was.
All of us be in “thicky boat, you see.
‘Thicky “dog’, he said, ‘been there all “day?’
Stairs went up “there, like, “thicky side, “thicky end of the wall.
Thicky place would be “black with people . . .
I travelled thicky old road “four “ year . . .
What’s “thicky “little “place called, before you get up “Yelverton?
Thicky field, they’d “break it, they called it.
He was going to put me and Jan “up thicky night.
“Never been through thicky road “ since.
Jim Connell carted home thicky there jar of “cyder same as he carted it “up.
We got in thicky there “field . . .
The morphological status of /ði:z/ and /ðis/ as singulars, and of
/ðejz/ and /ði:z/ as plurals has already been discussed.
Syntactically, their use seems to correspond to Standard English closely,
except in one important respect: the ‘first compound’ forms are used in a way
similar to a non-standard usage which is fairly widespread, in the sense of ‘a’
or ‘a certain’.
He’d got this here “dog.
You’d put this here great “crust on top.
The ‘first compound’ is never used as an equivalent to Standard English ‘this’,
being reserved for uses of the type above, although there is another form
/ði:z . . . ji:r/, which is occasionally used where Standard English would
show ‘this’, eg Between here and this village “here
In the plural, an exactly parallel syntactic division occurs between /ðejz/
(cf Standard English ‘these’) and /ðejz ji:r/.
These here “maidens that was here . . .
I used to put them in front of these here “sheds.
They got these here “hay-turners . . .
In all the above examples, the ‘first compounds’, both singular and plural,
refer to items which have not been mentioned before, and which are not
adjacent to the speaker; they are thus referentially distinct from the normal
use of Standard English ‘this’.
Although we can fairly say that /ði:z/ and /ðejz/ are syntactically
distinct from their equivalent first compounds, what of the other adjective
compounds /ðat ðεr/, /ði-ki: ðεr/ and /ðej
ðεr/? There seems to be no syntactic division in these cases between
them and their equivalent simple forms, so it is perhaps not surprising that
Table 2 shows them to be without exception much less common than /ði:z
ji:r/ and /ðejz ji:r/, which have a distinct syntactic role. Forms such as
Us got in thicky there “field
Good as “gold, that there “thing was.
do not seem any different from
Us “mowed thicky little plat . . .
He turned that “hare “three “times . . .
There is certainly no apparent correlation with any notional degree of
In the case of the singular pronouns, the ‘first compounds’ are extremely rare,
He done “well with that there. (/ðat ðεr/)
He went out “broad, this here what’s “dead now. (/ði:z ji:r/).
The basic opposition here is between the simple forms and the ‘second compounds’
/ðis ji:r ji:r/ and /ðat ðεr ðεr/. Here the syntactic
division is fairly clear: the second compounds are used in certain adverbial
phrases, particularly after ‘like’, where the demonstrative refers to no
Tis getting like this here “here.
I’ve had to walk home “after that there there.
and also, with reference to a specific antecedent, when particular emphasis
is drawn to the item in question.
I’ve had the “wireless there, this here “here, for “good many years.
One of these here “crocks, something like that there “there.
In all other cases, the simple forms are used.
“This was coming “this way.
Then he did meet with “this.
That’s “one “bad “job, “that was.
/ðat/ is used particularly frequently in two phrases, ‘likes
of that and ‘and that’.
He doed a bit of “farmering and likes of “that.
I got a “jumper and that home “now.
The last question is one of the most interesting. Is there really only one form
/ðej/ functioning as a plural pronoun? At first sight, this would seem
improbable, given that there is a plural adjective form /ðejz/ and that the
'this':'that' opposition is maintained elsewhere in the system. However, all
attempts to elicit such a form failed, and there is at least one spontaneous
utterance where, if a form /ðejz/ did exist as a pronoun, it might be
expected to appear:
There’s “thousands of acres out there would grow it better than they in
“here grow it.
Taking all these factors together, we tentatively suggest that the opposition
‘this’:’that’ is neutralized in this position, even though this seems rather
unlikely, given the adjectival system.
But there is another point. It is in fact difficult to identify occurrences of
/ðej/ as demonstratives with any certainty, because the form is identical
with that of the personal pronoun /ðej/ (Standard English ‘they’ or
We may observe at this point that in the dialect, the third plural personal
pronoun forms are /ðej/ and /∂m/. The first form is used in all
stressed positions and as unstressed subject except in inverted Q-forms; the
second is used as the unstressed non-subject, and as the unstressed subject in
inverted Q-forms. Thus we find:
“I had to show the pony but “they winned the cups.
I could chuck “they about.
That’s up to “they, they know what they’m a”bout of.
They’d take ‘em back of your “door for half-a-crown.
They expect to have a “name to the house, “don’t ‘em?
Where do ‘em get the “tools to?
That was as far as “ever they paid ‘em.
I stayed there “long with ‘em for more than a “year.
When considering /ðej/, we find a series of utterances such as the following
in which a division between personal and demonstrative pronouns would be
I could “throw ‘em. chuck “they about.
“They in “towns, they go to concerts,
Us finished up with “they in ...
They do seven acres a “day, now, with “they.
There is “they that take an “interest in it.
I could cut in so straight (as) some of “they that “never do it.
Although, following the system of Standard English, we have so far
differentiated between /ðej/ as a stressed personal pronoun and /ðej/
as a demonstrative pronoun, it is clearly more economical, in terms of the
dialectal material, to consider the two functions as coalescing within one
system: STRESSED /ðej/; UNSTRESSED /∂m/. This system would operate
in all positions where Standard English would show either a third person plural
personal pronoun, or a plural demonstrative pronoun. Similarly, there is a
dialectal system STRESSED /ðat/ UNSTRESSED /it/ in the third person
singular, where the referent is abstract or non-specific, in that /ðat/
never occurs unstressed nor /it/ stressed. Thus in contrast to the last example
above, we find:
I seed some of ‘em that never walked a “mile in their “lives,
where the form /∂m/ is unstressed. (Such unstressed examples are much
rarer than stressed examples in positions where Standard English would show a
demonstrative pronoun simply because ‘those’ is normally stressed in Standard
We should note finally, however, that this analysis of the material does not in
any way explain the absence of a plural pronoun /ðejz/, any more than the
linking of /ðat/ with /it/ precludes the existence of a singular
demonstrative pronoun /ði:z/. The non-existence of /ðejz/ as a pronoun
seems best considered as an accidental gap in the corpus.” (№18, p.20 )
- In the south-western dialects in the singular and in the plural in
Present Indefinite the ending ‘-s’ or ‘-es’ is used, if the Subject is
e.g. Boys as wants more mun ask.
The other ehaps works hard.
- In Devonshire ‘-th’ [ð] is added to verbs in the plural in Present
- The form ‘am’ (’m) of the verb ‘to be’ is used after the personal
e.g. We (wem = we are) (Somersetshire)
- After the words ‘if’, ‘when’, ‘until’, ‘after’ Future Indefinite
- The Perfect form in affirmative sentences, in which the Subject is
expressed as a personal pronoun, is usually built without the auxiliary verb
e.g. We done it.
I seen him.
They been and taken it.
- The negation in the south-western dialects is expressed with the
adding of the negative particle ‘not’ in the form ‘-na’ to the verb.
e.g. comesna (comes not)
winna (= will not)
sanna (= shall not)
canna (= cannot)
maunna (= must not)
sudna (= should not)
dinna (= do not)
binna (= be not)
haena (= have not)
daurna (= dare not)
- It is typical to the south-western dialects to use too many
nigotiations in the same phrase:
e.g. I yin’t seen nobody nowheres.
I don’t want to have nothing at all to say to you.
I didn’t mean no harm.
Ye’ll better jist nae detain me nae langer.
- The negative and interrogative forms of the modal verbs are built
with the help of the auxiliary verb ‘do’.
e.g. He did not ought to do it.
You do not ought to hear it.
- Some verbs which are regular in the Standard language become
irregular in the south-western dialects:
e.g. dive - dave, help - holp
- Sometimes the ending ‘-ed’ is added to some irregular verbs in the
e.g. bear - borned, begin - begunned, break - broked, climb - clombed,
dig - dugged, dive - doved, drive - droved, fall - felled, find -
funded, fly - flewed, give - gaved, grip - grapped, hang - hunged,
help - holped, hold - helded, know - knewed, rise - rosed, see -
sawed, shake - shooked, shear - shored, sing - sunged, sink -
sunked, spin - spunned, spring - sprunged, steal - stoled, strive -
stroved, swear - swored, swim - swammed, take - tooked, tear -
tored, wear - wored, weave - woved, write - wroted.
- But some irregular verbs in the Past Simple Tense are used as regular:
e.g. begin - beginned (Western Som., Dev.)
bite - bited (W. Som.)
blow - blowed (Dev.)
drink - drinked (W. Som.)
drive - drived (Dev.)
fall - falled (W. Som., Dev.)
fight - fighted (W. Som.)
fall - falled (Som., Dev.)
go - gade (Dev.)
grow - growed (W. Som.)
hang - hanged (W. Som.)
lose - losed (W. Som., Dev.)
ring - ringed (W. Som.)
speak - speaked (Som.)
spring - springed (W. Som., Dev.)
- Many verbs form the Past Participle with the help of the ending ‘-n’.
e.g. call - callen
catch - catchen
come - comen
- In some cases in the Past Participle a vowel in the root is
changed, and the suffix is not added.
e.g. catch - [k t∫]
hit - [a:t]
lead - [la:d]
- In the south-western dialects intransitive verbs have the ending ‘-
- In Western Somersetshire before the infinitive in the function of
the adverbial modifier of purpose ‘for’ is used:
e.g. Hast gotten a bit for mend it with? (= Have you got anything to mend it
- In the south-western dialects an adjective is used instead of the
e.g. You might easy fall.
- To build the comparative degree ‘far’ is used instead of ‘further’;
‘laster’ instead of ‘more lately’.
- The suparative degree: ‘farest’; ‘lastest’; ‘likerest’; ‘rathest’.
a) The adverbs of place:
abeigh [∂bıx] - ‘at some distance’
abune, aboon - ‘above’
ablow - ‘under’
ben, benn - ‘inside’
outbye [utbaı] - ‘outside’
aboot - ‘around’
hine, hine awa - ‘far’
ewest - ‘near’
b) The adverbs of the mode of action:
hoo, foo - ‘how’
weel - ‘great’
richt - ‘right’
ither - ‘yet’
sae - ‘so’
c) The adverbs of degree:
e.g. How are you today? - Not much, thank you.
‘much’ is also used in the meaning of ‘wonderfully’
e.g. It is much you boys can’t let alone they there ducks.
It was much he hadn’t a been a killed.
‘rising’ is often used in the meaning of ‘nearly’
e.g. How old is the boy? - He’s rising five.
- ‘fell’, ‘unco’, ‘gey’, ‘huge’, ‘fu’, ‘rael’ are used in the meaning
- ower, owre [aur] - ‘too’
- maist - ‘nearly’
- clean - ‘at all’
- that - ‘so’
- feckly - ‘in many cases’
- freely - ‘fully’
- naarhan, nighhan - ‘nearly’
- han, fair - ‘at all’
d) Adverbs of time:
whan, fan - ‘when’
belive, belyve - ‘now’
yinst - ‘at once’
neist - ‘then’
fernyear - ‘last year’
afore (= before)
e.g. Us can wait avore you be ready, sir.
next - ‘in some time’
e.g. next day = the day after tomorrow
while = till, if
e.g. You’ll never make any progress while you listen to me.
You have to wait while Saturday.
3.8 Transitivity and intransivity in the dialects of South-West England.
One of the most important aspects of studying south-western English is
dialect syntax. So, the article by Jean-Marc Gachelin can give us much
information about transitivity and intransitivity in the dialects of South-
“Wakelin has pointed out that ‘syntax is an unwieldy subject which
dialectologists have fought shy of’. This brushing aside of dialect syntax is
regrettable because the study of grammatical variation can shed light on the
workings of any language, and thereby enrich general linguistics. The present
chapter deals with an area of dialect syntax - transitivity in south-west of
England dialects - and attempts to characterize and explain, synchronically
and diachronically, its salient features.
We prefer the moderation of Kilby, who simply admits that the notion of
direct object (DO) ‘is not at all transparent in its usage’. The problem,
therefore, should be not so much to discard but rather to improve our notions
of transitivity and intransitivity. In this regard, the dialects of South-
west England are important and interesting.
1. A description of transitivity and intransitivity in the dialects of
When compared with the corresponding standard language, any geographical
variety may be characterized by three possibilities:
(a) identity; (b) archaism (due to slower evolution); and (c) innovation.
Interestingly enough, it is not uncommon in syntax for (b) and (c) to combine
if a given dialect draws extensively on a secondary aspect of an older usage.
This is true of two features which are highly characteristic of the South-
west and completely absent in contemporary Standard English.
1.1 Infinitive + y
One of these characteristics is mentioned by Wakelin, the optional
addition of the -y ending to the infinitive of any real intransitive
verb or any transitive verb not followed by a DO, namely object-deleting verbs
(ODVs) and ergatives. The use of this ending is not highlighted in the
Survey of English Dialects (SED, Orton and Wakelin). It is only indirectly,
when reading about relative pronouns, that we come upon There iddn (=
isn’t) many (who) can sheary now, recorded in Devon (Orton and
Wakelin). However, Widen gives the following examples heard in Dorset:
farmy, flickery, hoopy (‘to call’), hidy, milky, panky (‘to pant’),
rooty (talking of a pig), whiny. Three of these verbs are strictly
intransitive (ftickery, panky, whiny), the others being ODVs. Wright
also mentions this characteristic, chiefly in connection with Devon, Somerset
In the last century, Barnes made use of the -y ending in his Dorset
poems, both when the infinitive appears after to:
reäky = ‘rake’
drashy = ‘thresh’
and after a modal (as in the example from the SED):
Mid (= may) happy housen smoky round/The church.
The cat veil zick an’ woulden mousy.
But infin.+y can also be found after do (auxiliary), which in South-west
dialects is more than a more ‘signal of verbality’, serving as a tense-marker
as well as a person-marker (do everywhere except for dost, 2nd
pers. sing.). Instead of being emphatic, this do can express the
progressive aspect or more often the durative-habitual (= imperfective) aspect,
exactly like the imperfect of Romance languages. Here are a few examples culled
from Barnes’s poems:
Our merry sheäpes did jumpy.
When I do pitchy, ‘tis my pride (meaning of the verb, cf pitch-fork).
How gaÿ the paths be where we do strolly.
Besides ODVs and intransitive verbs, there is also an ergative:
doors did slammy.
In the imperative, infin. -y only appears with a negative:
The optional use of the -y ending is an advantage in dialect poetry for
metre or rhyme:
Vor thine wull peck, an’ mine wull grubby (rhyming with snubby)
And this ending probably accounts for a phonetic peculiarity of South-west
dialects, namely the apocope of to arguy (the former dialect
pronunciation of to argue), to carry and to empty, reduced to
to arg, to car and to empt.
In the grammatical part of his Glossary of the Dorset Dialect, Barnes
insists on the aspectual connection between do and infin.+y:
“Belonging to this use of the free infinitive y-ended verbs, is another kindred
one, the showing of a repetition or habit of doing as ‘How the dog do
jumpy’, i-e keep jumping. ‘The child do like to whippy’, amuse himself
with whipping. ‘Idle chap, he’ll do nothen but vishy, (spend his time
in fishing), if you do leâve en alwone’. ‘He do markety’, he
usually attends market.”
Barnes also quotes a work by Jennings in which this South-west feature was
“Another peculiarity is that of attaching to many of the common verbs in the
infinitive mode as well as to some other parts of different conjugations, the
letter -y. Thus it is very common to say ‘I can’t sewy’, I can’t nursy’, ‘he
can’t reapy’, ‘he can’t sawy’, as well as ‘to sewy, to nursy, to reapy, to
sawy’, etc; but never, I think, without an auxiliary verb, or the sign of the
Barnes claimed, too, that the collocation of infin. +y and the DO was
unthinkable: ‘We may say, “Can ye zewy?” but never “Wull ye
zewy up theäse zêam?” “Wull ye zew up theäse
zêam” would be good Dorset.”
Elworthy also mentions the opposition heard in Somerset between I do
dig the garden and Every day, I do diggy for three
hours (quoted by Jespersen and by Rogers). Concerning the so-called ‘free
infinitive’, Wiltshire-born Rogers comments that ‘it is little heard
now, but was common in the last century’, which tallies with the lack of
examples in the SED. (This point is also confirmed by Itialainen)
Rogers is quite surprised to read of a science-fiction play (BBC, 15 March
1978) entitled ‘Stargazy in Zummerland’, describing a future world in which the
population was divided between industrial and agricultural workers, the latter
probably using some form of south-western speech, following a time-honoured
stage tradition already perceptible in King Lear (disguised as a
rustic, Edgar speaks broad Somerset).
To sum up, after to, do (auxiliary), or a modal, the formula of the
‘free infinitive’ is
intr. V → infin. + -y/0
where ‘intr.’ implies genuine intransitives, ODVs and even ergatives. As a
dialect-marker, -y is now on the wane, being gradually replaced by 0
due to contact with Standard English.
1.2 Of + DO
The other typical feature of south-western dialects is not mentioned by Wakelin,
although it stands out much more clearly in the SED data. This is the optional
use of o’/ov (occasionally on) between a transitive verb and
its DO. Here are some of the many examples. Stripping the feathers off a dead
chicken (Orton and Wakelin) is called:
pickin/pluckin ov it (Brk-loc. 3);
trippin o’ en (= it) (D-loc. 6);
pickin o’ en (Do-loc. 3);
pluckin(g) on en - (W-loc. 9; Sx-loc. 2).
Catching fish, especially trout, with one’s hand (Orton and Wakelin) is called:
ticklin o’/ov em (= them) (So-loc. 13; W-loc. 2, 8; D-loc. 2, 7,
8; Do-loc. 2-5; Ha-loc. 4);
gropin o’/ov em (D-loc. 4, 6);
ticklin on em (W-loc. 3, 4; Ha-loc. 6; Sx-loc. 3);
tickle o’ em (Do-loc. l) (note the absence of -in(g)).
The confusion between of and on is frequent in dialects, but
although on may occur where of is expected, the reverse is
impossible. The occasional use of on instead of of is
therefore unimportant. What really matters is the occurrence of of, o’
or ov between a transitive verb and the DO. The presence of the
-in(g) ending should also attract our attention: it occurs in all the
examples except tickle o’ em, which is exceptional since, when the
SED informants used an infinitive in their answers, their syntax was
usually identical with that of Standard English, ie without of
occurring before the DO: glad to see you, (he wants to) hide it (Orton
Following Jespersen, Lyons makes a distinction between real transitives (/
hit you: action → goal) and verbs which are only syntactically
transitives (/ hear you: goal ← action). It is a pity that the
way informants were asked questions for the SED (‘What do we do with
them? - Our eyes/ears’) does not enable us to treat the transitive verbs
see Orton and Wakelin and hear (Orton and Wakelin) other than as
The use of of as an operator between a transitive verb and its DO was
strangely enough never described by Barnes, and is casually dismissed as an
‘otiose of’ by the authors of the SED, even though nothing can
really be ‘otiose’ in any language system. Rogers points out that ‘Much more
widely found formerly, it is now confined to sentences where the pronouns
en, it and em are the objects.’ This is obvious in the SED
materials, as, incidentally, it is in these lines by Barnes:
To work all day a-meäken haÿ/Or pitchen o’t.
Nevertheless, even if his usage is in conformity with present syntax, it is
important to add that, when Barnes was alive, o/ov could precede
any DO (a-meäken ov haÿ would equally have been
possible). What should also be noted in his poetry is the extremely rare
occurrence of o’/ov after a transitive verb with no -en (= -ing)
ending, which, as we just saw, is still very rare in modern speech:
Zoo I don’t mind o’ leäven it to-morrow.
Zoo I don’t mind o’ leäven o’t to-morrow.
The second line shows a twofold occurrence of o’ after two transitive
verbs, one with and one without -en.
This -en ending can be a marker of a verbal noun, a gerund or a present
participle (as part of a progressive aspect form or on its own), and o’
may follow in each case.
My own a-decken ov my own (‘my own way of dressing my darling’).
This is the same usage as in Standard English he doesn’t like my driving of
That wer vor hetten o’n (‘that was for hitting him’).
. . . little chance/O’ catchen o’n.
I be never the better vor zee-en o’ you.
The addition of o’ to a gerund is optional: Vor grinden any corn vor
bread is similar to Standard English.
As I wer readen ov a stwone (about a headstone).
Rogers gives two examples of the progressive aspect:
I be stackin’ on ‘em up.
I were a-peeling of the potatoes (with a different spelling).
PRESENT PARTICIPLE ON ITS OWN
To vind me stannen in the cwold, / A-keepen up o’ Chris’mas.
After any present participle, the use of o’ is also optional:
Where vo’k be out a-meäken haÿ.
The general formula is thus:
trans. V → V + o’/0
which can also be read as
MV (main verb) → trans. V + o’/0 + DO.
Here, o’ stands for o’ (the most common form), ov and
even on. In modem usage, the DO, which could be a noun or noun phrase
in Barnes’s day and age, appears from the SED materials to be
restricted to personal pronouns. For modern dialects, the formula thus reads:
MV → trans. V + o’/0 + pers. pron.
The o’ is here a transitivity operator which, exactly like an
accusative ending in a language with case declensions, disappears in the
passive. Consequently, the phenomenon under discussion here has to be
distinguished from that of prepositional verbs, which require the retention of
the preposition in the passive:
We have thought of all the possible snags. →
All the possible snags have been thought of.
The use of o’ as a transitivity operator in active declaratives is also
optional, which represents another basic difference from prepositional verbs.
Exactly the same opposition, interestingly enough, applies in south-western
 He is (a-) eäten o’ ceäkes → What is he (a-) eäten?
 He is (a-) dreämen o’ceäkes → What is he (a-) dreämen ov?
What remains a preposition in  and  works as the link between a transitive
verb and its DO. The compulsory deletion of the operator o’ in
questions relating to the DO demonstrates the importance here of the word order
(V + o’ + DO), as does also the similar triggering of deletion by
Though now used in a more restricted way, ie before personal pronouns
only, this syntactic feature is better preserved in the modern dialects than
-y ending of intransitive verbs, but, in so far as it is only optional,
it is easy to detect the growing influence of Standard English.
2. Diachrony as an explanation of these features.
Although the above description has not been purely synchronic, since it cites
differences in usage between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, it is
actually only by looking back at even earlier stages of the language that we
can gain any clear insights into why the dialects have developed in this way.
Both Widen and Wakelin remind us that the originally strictly morphological
-y ending has since developed into a syntactic feature. It is a survival of
the Middle English infinitive ending -ie(n), traceable to the -ian
suffix of the second class of Old English weak verbs (OE milcian →
ME milkie(n) → south-west dial. milky). Subsequently,
-y has been analogically extended to other types of verbs in south-west
dialects under certain syntactic conditions: in the absence of any DO, through
sheer impossibility (intransitive verb) or due to the speaker’s choice (ODV or
ergative). The only survival of medieval usage is the impossibility of a verb
form like milky being anything other than an infinitive. Note that this
cannot be labelled an archaism, since the standard language has never
demonstrated this particular syntactic specialization.
So far no explanation seems to have been advanced for the origin of ‘otiose
of’, and yet it is fairly easy to resort to diachrony in order to explain
this syntactic feature. Let us start, however, with contemporary Standard
 They sat, singing a shanty. (present participle on its own)
 They are singing a shanty. (progressive aspect)
 I like them/their singing a shanty. (gerund)
 I like their singing of a shanty. (verbal noun)
Here  and  are considered nominalizations from a synchronic point of view.
As far as  is concerned, Barnes reminds his readers that the OE
nominalization ic waes on hunlunge (‘I was in the process of hunting’,
cf Aelfric’s Colloquim: fui in. venatione) is the source of modern /
was hunting, via an older structure I was (a-) hunting which is
preserved in many dialects, the optional verbal prefix a- being what
remains of the preposition on.
The nominal nature of V-ing is still well established in the verbal noun
(with the use of of in particular), and it is here that the
starting-point of a chain reaction lies. Hybrid structures (verbal
nouns/gerunds) appeared as early as Middle English, as in
bi puttyng forth of whom so it were (1386 Petition of Mercers)
and similar gerunds followed by of were still a possibility in
Rend not my heart for naming of my Christ (Marlowe, Doctor Faustus)
together with verbal nouns not followed by any of:
... as the putting him clean out of his humour (B. Jonson,
Every Man out of his Humour).
Having been extended from the verbal noun to the gerund, of also
eventually spread to the progressive aspect in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries, at a time when the V-ing + of sequence became very
widespread in Standard English:
Are you crossing of yourself? (Marlowe, Doctor Faustus).
He is hearing of a cause (Shakespeare, Measure for Measure).
She is taking of her last farewell (Bunyan, The Pilgim’s Progress).
However, what is definitely an archaism in Standard English has been preserved
in south-western dialects, which have gone even further and also added an
optional o’ to the present participle used on its own (ie
other than in the progressive aspect). Moreover, there is even a tendency, as we
have seen, to use o’ after a transitive verb without the -en (=
-ing) ending. This tendency, which remains slight, represents the ultimate
point of a chain reaction that can be portrayed as follows:
Use of o’ in the environment following:
(A) (B) (C) (D)
verbal noun → gerund → be + V-ing
→ pres. part. → V
(A) evolution from Middle English to the Renaissance;
(B) evolution typical of English in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries;
(C) evolution typical of south-western dialects;
(D) marginal tendency in south-western dialects.
The dialect usage is more than a mere syntactic archaism: not only have the
south-western dialects preserved stages (A) and (B); they are also highly
innovative in stages (C) and (D).” (№18, p.218)
Abroad - adj растерянный, незнающий, как поступить;
попавший впросак, совершивший ошибку; разваренный, расплавленный (о пище):
The potatoes are abroad. The sugar is gone abroad.
Addle, Udall, Odal (Dev) - v зарабатывать, сберегать,
откладывать, экономить; (о растениях) расти, расцветать [gu. oðla, возвр.
oðlask - приобретать (имущество), oðal - имущество]
Ail (Wil, Dev) - n ость (колоса)
Aller (Dev) - n нарыв, карбункул; тяжелый ожог: Suke
died acause her aller wanted letting.
Answer (Som) - v выносить, переносить (те или иные
условия, определенные события); выжить: That there poplar ’ont never answer
out of doors, t’ll be a ratted in no time; ~ to: реагировать
на что-либо, поддаваться воздействию чего-либо: Clay land easily answers to
Any (повсеместно) - adj, adv, pron:
any bit like - хороший, сносный, приличный (о здоровье, погоде,
поведении): I’ll come and see thee tomorrow if it’s only any-bit-like;
any more than - только; если бы: He’s sure to come any more than he
might be a bit late. I should be sure to go to school any more than I’ve not
got a gownd to my back.
Attle (Cor) - n мусор, отбросы
Bach, Batch, Bage (Som) - n река, ручей; долина, через
которую протекает ручей; овраг; насыпь или холм, находящиеся вблизи реки
Bad (Wil) - n внешняя земная оболочка ореха
Badge (Wil) - v заниматься перепродажей зерна, овощей и фруктов
Balch (Dev, Cor) - n небольшая веревка, кушак
Bam (Cor) - n шутка, проделка, номер: It’s nowt but a bam.
(Wil, Som) - n портянка, грубая материя, оборачиваемая вокруг ноги
Ban (Som) - v проклинать; ругаться
Bannock (Wil, Som, Dev) - n блин / лепешка из овсянной или ячменной муки
Barge (Dev) - n боров; v ругать, оскорблять
Barney (Som) - n ссора, перебранка; чепуха; ошибка; плохо
выполненная работа, халтура
Barton (Wil, Dev, Som, Cor) - n крестьянский двор;
подсобные помещения в задней части крестьянского двора; крестьянский дом
Barvel (Cor) - n короткий кожаный передник, надеваемый при
мытье полов; кожаный передник рыбаков
Bate (Som, Dev) - n плохое настроение, раздраженное
состояние; v ссориться, ругаться
Beagle, Bogle (Dev) - n пугало; привидение; гротескно одетый человек, «ряженый»
Beet, Boot (Cor) - v чинить, ремонтировать, помогать; удовлетворять
Besgan, Biscan, Vescan (Cor) - n кожаный напальчник; матерчатая повязка
Big (Som, Cor) - adj дружественный, близкий: Smith and
Brown are very big; v строить; v (с up)
утверждать, поддержать (в мнении); быть преданным, верным (человеку или идее)
Bogzom (Dev) - adj ярко-красный; румяный: Ya ha made ma chucks bugzom.
Bribe (Wil) - v приставать, издеваться; ругать, «пилить»: She terrible bribed I.
Brindled (Som) - ppl adj пестрый, полосатый
Bruick-boil (Dev) - v вянуть; становиться сухой (о погоде)
Bunt (Som, Dev, Cor) - n сито; v просеивать муку
(Wil) - n вязанка хвороста
Buss, boss (Wil, Dev, Cor) - n теленок
But (Som) - n пики (в картах)
(Cor) - v вывихнуть (сустав): I’ve butted my thumb.
Cab (Som, Dev, Cor) - n липкая масса, что-либо грязное,
мокрое или липкое (adj cabby); v воровать
Cad (Som) - n самые мелкие и молодые особи (поросят, телят
и др.); pl мелкий картофель; падаль, гнилое мясо
Call (Som) - v думать, считать
Cam (Cor) - n глинистый сланец; adj изогнутый; упрямый
Casar (Dev, Cor) - n сито; v просеивать
Caw (Dev) - v дышать с трудом; n дурак
Cawk (Som) - v пороть, бить
Chack (Dev, Cor) - adj ppl chackt, chacking - испытывающий жажду; голодный
Cheap (Som) - adj фразеол. be cheap on - вполне заслуживающий чего-либо
Chill (Dev, Som) - v немного подогреть (жидкость); chilled water - теплая вода
Chilver (Wil, Som) - n ягненок
Chissom (Wil, Som, Dev) - n отросток, побег (растения);
v давать отростки, побеги
Chuck (Som, Dev) - n нижняя часть лица, шея, глотка
Clib (Dev, Cor) - v прилипать; увлажнять, смачивать
Clivan, Clevant, Callyvan, Vant (Som) - n ловушка для
птиц: You be like a wren in a clivan.
Clock (Som) - n жук
Coath (Som, Dev) - n болезнь печени у овец; v падать в обморок
Cob (Cor) - n плохо исполненная работа
Cold (Som, Dev, Wil, Cor) - to catch cold - попасть в
беду; to cast the cold of a thing - избавиться от последствий
какого-либо зла или несчастья; cold cheer - нужда; cold hand -
хороший образец культуры пшеницы или ячменя; cold lady - пудинг из муки
Colley (Wil) - n сажа, грязь; свежее мясо
Colt (Wil) - n оползень; v оползать (о почве)
Cooch (Coochy) (Dev, Cor) - n левша; adj неуклюжий
Cook (Som) - v убить; притаиться, спрятаться
Coose (Dev, Cor) - v сплетничать; слоняться
Cotton (Som, Dev) - v бить, пороть
Cowerd (Wil, Som) - adj парной (о молоке)
Crib (Dev, Cor) - n еда; v воровать
Crowd (Som, Dev, Cor) - n скрипка
Dain (Wil) - adj имеющий плохой запах
Dare (Wil, Som, Dev) - v отпрянуть в ужасе, бояться; прятаться; пугать
Dawk (Wil, Som) - n дыра; v протыкать; моросить (о
дожде); adj беспомощный; v небрежно и неопрятно одеваться
Denshire (Wil, Dev) - v срезать дерн и сжигать его после просушки
Dey (Wil) - n женщина, занятая в молочном хозяйстве
Dool (Dev) - n пограничный столбик (на поле); ворота (в
игре); гвоздь, шип для скрепления половых досок; большой кусок; v
ударять (плоской поверхностью); (с off) отмечать, устанавливать
Downy (Som) - adj хитрый, ловкий; в плохом настроении, подавленный
Drill (Dev) - v тратить время попусту; замедлять,
задерживать; заманить; заставить что-либо делать с помощью лести
Dupl (= do up) (Wil) - v открывать; закрывать, запирать; быстро идти
Dwall (Som, Dev) - v бредить, говорить бессвязно; n легкий сон
Dwam (Dev) - n обморок; приступ болезни
Ear (Wil, Som) - v пахать землю
Easse (Wil, Som) - n земляной червь
Elt, Hilt (Som, Dev) - n молодая свинья
Eve (Wil, Dev, Cor) - v потеть, выделять влагу; таять
Evil (Dev, Cor) - n вилы для навоза; вилы; v сгребать вилами
Fadge (Som, Dev, Cor) - v подходить, быть подходящим друг
для друга: They don’t fadge well together; соглашаться; преуспевать;
делать работу кое-как, спустя рукава; идти с трудом, медленно; n вид
пирога; связка, сноп; определенное количество чего-либо
Fady (Dev, Cor) - adj сырой
Fage (Som) - v льстить, подлизываться; обманывать
Fain (Dev) - v просить мира (в детских играх: Fain it!
«Сдаюсь!»; adj счачтливый, довольный; adv охотно; n (о
мукé) плохого качества
Farewell (Wil, Som, Dev) - n привкус: The butter
leaves a clammy farewell in the mouth.
Favour (Dev) - v помогать, облегчать
Fawny (Dev) - n кольцо
Feat (Wil, Dev) - adj довольно большой (по размеру или
количеству); значительный; опрятный; красивый
Feer (Wil) - v пройти первую борозду при пахоте; n борозда
Fenny, Vinny (Wil) - adj покрытый плесенью
Fitten (Wil, Som) - n уловка, предлог; каприз, причуда
Flag (Wil, Dev) - n лист растения
Flaw (Dev, Cor) - n внезапный порыв ветра
Flawn, Flome (Dev) - n оладья, блин; деревенский праздник,
на котором подают блины; блюдо из взбитых яиц и молока
Fleck (Som) - n пятно; царапина на коже; дефект на одежде
Flue (Wil) - adj нежный, слабый, болезненный; худой;
мелкий (о сосуде); широкий, обширный
Fly (Som) - adj хитрый
Fogger (Wil) - n помощник; человек, ухаживающий за скотом, конюх
Framp (Som, Dev) - adj (в словосочетаниях:
framp-shaken; framp-shapen) искривленный, набекрень
Frape (Som, Dev, Cor) - v завязывать; ругать
Fur (Som, Dev, Cor) - v бросать, кидать; дергать за уши;
перебиваться, сводить концы с концами: I’ve nobbut a shillin’ to fur t’week
Furcom, Fircom (Wil, Som) - n суть, существо, основа
какого-либо дела; pl все обстоятельства дела: I’ll tell ’ee all the
Gaff (Dev) - n крючок; дешевый театр; выступление на
деревенской ярмарке; хозяин, начальник
Gale (Som, Dev, Cor) - n периодическая плата за что-либо, рента
Glam (Dev) - n рана
Gout (Cor), Gutt - n капля; сгусток чего-либо; adj
Gouty - сучковатый, имеющий неровности
Graft (Cor, Dev, Som, Wil) - n овраг, углубление в земле; случайная работа
Great (Dev) - adj большой по размеру: The glass is
great enough. His brother is great and strong; дружественный, в хороших
отношениях: My brother is very great with the lad; great folks -
большие друзья; adv очень: great foul, great likely, great
mich, a great high wall; сдельная работа: great-work; work by
Hackle (Wil) - n одежда; шерсть животных; оперение птиц;
v хорошо сидеть (об одежде)
Hag(g) (Som, Wil, Dev) - v подстрекать, провоцировать;
дразнить; n лес, роща; крутая скала
Halsen (Som, Dev, Cor) - v предсказывать; предрекать неприятности
Hange (Som, Dev, Cor) - n внутренности (печень, легкие,
сердце) какого-либо животного
Harl(e) (Som) - v тащить, тянуть; сгребать; медленно двигаться
Hathe (Som) - n плотная оболочка, покров; be in a
hathe - быть покрытым сыпью оспы или другой болезни
Hathern (Som) - n перила: I first catched a hold o’the
hathern so I jissy saved I.
Havage (Dev, Cor) - n происхождение, родословная
Hearst (Som, Dev) - n молодая самка оленя
Hile (Som) - n несколько стогов, сложенных вместе; v
(о скоте) бодать; препятствовать
Hint (Wil) - v собирать, складывать;
(Som) - v вянуть, сохнуть
Ho, Hoe, How (Som) - v скучать о ком-либо; заботиться,
проявлять внимание к кому-либо, ухаживать за кем-либо
Hocksy (Wil), тж. OXY - adj в виде жидкой, липкой грязи
Hog (Dev) - n куча (картофеля или других овощей), укрытая
соломой и землей от мороза и дождя; бурт
Hoggan (Cor) - n пирог со свининой (тж. Fuggan, Hobban); плод шиповника
Holiday (Cor), Holliday - n место,
оставленное нетронутым при стирании пыли с чего-либо, при покраске
Hope (Som) - n впадина между холмами; долина, через
которую протекает ручей, но тж.: холм; бухта
Horry, Howery (Som, Dev) - adj грязный, отвратительный; заплесневелый
Hound (Som) - n pl выступы на нижней части мачты
Hovel, Hobble (Som) - v спасать корабль, попавший в беду;
помогать кораблю стать на якорь или выйти из гавани; n удача: He
got a good hovel.
How (Dev) - n небольшой холмик
Hug (Som) - n чесотка; v подстрекать, заставлять (что-либо сделать)
Huss (Som) - v натравить собаку на кого-либо
Ignorant (Wil, Som) - adj невоспитанный: I thought it
would look so ignorant to stop you.
Inkle (Dev, Cor) - n шнурок из грубой пряжи (для закрепления фартука, ботинок)
Jack (Cor, Dev, Som, Wil) - v оставить, бросить (работу), уйти
Jail (Cor) - v быстро идти
Jimmy (Som) - adj опрятный, аккуратный; проворный; хорошо сделанный
Keech (Wil, Som) - v затвердевать (о расплавленном жире,
воске); замерзать (о воде); n большой кусок (грязи, жира)
Keeve (Som, Dev, Cor) - n большой таз
Keffel (Som) - n лошадь (обычно старая); предмет низкого
качества; ленивый, глупый человек
Kemps (Som) - n короткие грубые ворсински или волоски на шерсти
Kern (Dev, Som, Cor) - v сворачиваться (о молоке); медленно вариться
Kibbit (Dev, Cor) - n чан, ведро
Kindle (Som) - v (о небольших животных, особенно кроликах) производить потомство
Lag (Cor) - v обрызгать грязью
Lammock (Cor) - n негодяй
Lart (Som, Dev) - n пол (особенно в верхней комнате или на чердаке); полка
Lashing (Dev, Cor) - n pl (тж. Lashings and Lavins
) большое количество чего-либо; adj большой, огромный
Law (Som, Dev) - n холм; насыпь; груда камней; v складывать в стога
Leap (Som) - n большая корзина
Lear (Dev, Som) - adj пустой
Let, Lat (Wil, Som, Cor) - v мешать, останавливать, не
пускать; перестать; n задержка, препятствие: without let or
Letch (Som, Dev) - n сильное желание; причуда
Letting - adj (о погоде) дождливый
Lewth (Wil, Som, Dev) - n убежище; место, защищенное от ветра
Lewze, Looze (Som, Dev) - n свиной хлев
Lich (Som, Dev) - n труп
Lidden (Som, Dev, Cor) - n песня; монотонный припев
Lide (Wil, Cor) - n месяц март
Lig, Liggan (Cor) - n вид водорослей; удобрение из водорослей или сухих листьев
Linch (Dev, Cor) - v бить
Lissom (Wil, Som, Dev) - n тонкая полоска чего-либо; слой
Litten (Wil, Som) - n кладбище
Lock (Som, Dev, Cor) - n определенное количество чего-либо, обычно небольшое
Lodden (Cor) - n лужа, небольшой пруд
Log (Dev, Cor) - v колебаться, качаться
Loker (Dev) - n рубанок
Lourve, Luffer, Loover (Som) - n дымоход, печная труба
Low (Dev) - n пламя; свет
Mang (Wil, Som, Dev) - v смешивать
Maskel (Som, Dev) - n зеленая гусеница; небольшое сморщенное яблоко
Masker (Dev) - v потерять сознание: He got maskered
i’the snow-storm o’the hill; лишаться рассудка; душить, задохнуться: He
coughs sometimes like as if he’d masker; гнить; ржаветь
Maxim (Som, Dev, Cor) - n выдумка, способ действия:
I’ve tried every sort o’ maxims wi’ un, but I can’t make-n grow; pl
проказы, шутки; v играть: I zeed min maximin’ about in the fiel’
Magzard (Som, Dev, Cor) - n сорт мелкой черной вишни
Meech (Som, Dev) - v пробираться украдкой (about);
пропустить занятия, не явиться на работу; лодырничать; попрошайничать, собирать
Meet (Dev) - adj должный, нужный, правильный
Ment (Som) - v быть похожим на кого-либо: He ment’s his father; n сходство
Mickle (Wil) - adj, adv много
Mickled (Dev) - ppl: mickled with cold -
окоченевший от холода; задыхающийся, пересохший от жары (рот, глотка)
Mock (Som, Dev, Cor) - n пень дерева (с корнями), большая
палка; adv Mocking - попеременно, поочередно: I think, sir,
that we had better put in them plants mocking; v быть расположенным
вперемешку: The black squares on a chess-board mock each other.
Mog(g) (Som) - v обидеться; хандрить; отказываться от пищи
Mogue (Som) - v обманывать; насмехаться
Mole (Som) - n темя; затылок
Moot (Som, Dev, Cor) - n пень; v двигать, передвигать; намекать на что-либо
Mop (Wil) - n ярмарка, на которой нанимались слуги и
сельскохозяйственные рабочие; увеселительное сборище
More (Wil, Som, Dev, Cor) - n корень дерева или растения;
побег; растение, цветок, кустарник; v приживаться (о растении);
выкорчевывать, вырывать с корнем
Mort (Som, Dev, Cor) - n свиной жир, шпиг
Mugget (Som, Dev, Cor) - n складка на рубашке
Mungy (Cor) - adj (о погоде) душный и сырой; (о фруктах) перезрелый
Muryan (Cor) - n муравей
Nammet (Wil, Som, Dev, Cor) - n завтрак (особенно в поле); еда
Naty (Dev, Cor) - adj (о мясе) мягкий, неволокнистый, разваристый
Neck (Som, Dev, Cor) - n последний стог хлеба в поле
Neive (Dev) - n кулак, сжатая рука
Nim (Som, Dev) - v схватить; стянуть, своровать
Nitch (Wil, Som, Dev) - n вязанка (сена, соломы, дров); семья; банда
Noil (Som) - n короткая шерсть, оставшаяся после стрижки; отходы шерсти, шелка
Nool (Cor) - v бить; Nooling - n побои
Northering (Som, Dev) - ppl, adj несвязный (о речи); не в своем уме, помешанный
Not (Som, Dev) - adj гладкий, в хорошем состоянии (о
поле); Notted - подстриженный
Oast, East (Dev) - n печь для сушки хмеля; сырная масса до
ее удаления из сыворотки
Oaze, Hose (N-W Dev) - n pl вывески
Oddy, Hoddy (Wil) - adj сильный, энергичный, живой
Old (Dev) - adj большой, сильный, обильный, великолепный:
auld to do = a great fass, auld wark - то же; old doing
= great sport, great feasting, an uncommon display of hospitality; a
pratty old tap = a great speed; умный, серьезный; талантливый (ребенок):
He looked very old about it. The child was little and old; хитрый,
изворотливый: He’s too old for you. He looked very old at me =
he looked very knowingly (distrustfully, angrily, askance) at me.
Ollet, Elet (Wil) - n сухие и гнилые ветки, используемые как топливо
Orch, Horch (Dev) - v бодать
Ore (Dev, Cor) - n морская водоросль; водоросль, выброшенная на берег приливом
Orrel (Cor) - n высокое крыльцо, веранда
Paise (Wil, Som, Dev, Cor) - v взвешивать (особенно на
руке); подымать рычагом; взламывать
Pame (Som, Dev) - n фланелевая пеленка; одеяло, в которое
заворачивают ребенка перед крещением
Pancheon (Cor) - n большое глиняное ведро (особенно для молока)
Peach (Cor) - v заманивать (с away); Peacher - n приманка
Ped (Dev, Cor) - n кляча, лягушка
Pelf (Dev, Cor) - n мусор, отходы; мех, руно; деньги (вульг.)
Peller (Cor) - n колдун; знахарь
Pilch (Som, Cor) - n (треугольная) пеленка
Pind, Pindy (Som) - adj плесневый, несвежий
Play (Som) - v варить, кипятить: Did’th pot play when
you come?; не работать; ~ in - начинать; ~ up
Plim (Som, Dev) - v распухнуть, увеличиваться в объеме, вздуваться; adj полный
Plum (Wil, Dev, Cor) - v надуваться; подыматься (о тесте); adj (о погоде) мягкий
Polt (Wil) - v сбивать фрукты с дерева длинным шестом; n удар
Pomple (Som) - adj надежный, заслуживающий доверия (о человеке)
Pomster, Pompsy, Pounster (Som, Dev, Cor) - n знахарь;
v заниматься врачеванием без достаточных медицинских знаний: Don’t
Pook (Wil, Som, Cor) - n стог, кипа, куча; v тянуть; ощипать (курицу)
Prill (Som, Dev, Cor) - v скиснуть, свернуться (о молоке),
испортиться (о характере, настроении человека): a-prilled, a-pirled
Punish (Dev) - v причинять боль, страдание; ранить;
переносить боль: His leg did punish him so. I punished so in the new boots
; съесть, проглотить
Pur (Som) - n баран
Put (Som, Cor, Dev, Wil) - v посылать; заставлять что-либо
делать; put in - распрягать; переносить, терпеть (страдания); выполнять
что-либо; put out - обнаруживать, обнародовать; put to (till) -
допрашивать; мучить; запрягать; закрывать; v толкать
Quank (Wil) - v превозмочь; успокоить; adj тихий, спокойный
Quar (Som, Dev) - v (о молоке) свернуться; задыхаться
Quarrel (Dev, Som, Cor, Wil) - n оконное стекло
Queachy (Som) - adj болотистый, сырой
Quilkin (Dev, Cor) - n лягушка, жаба
Rag (Dev) - n иней; туман; моросящий дождь
Rake (Cor) - n путь, маршрут, направление; путешествие;
груз, который можно перенести за один раз; большое количество
Rally (Som, Dev) - v быстро идти, спешить; будить,
подымать ото сна; ругать, громко говорить
Rames (Wil, Som, Dev, Cor) - n pl скелет, каркас; засохшая
ботва картофеля и других растений
Rane (Som, Dev) - n трещина (напрмер, в дереве); рваное место (одежды)
Rap (Som, Dev, Cor, Wil) - v менять, выменивать на что-либо; n сделка
Rare (Som, Dev, Cor) - adj ранний (об овощах, фруктах); готовый, приготовленный
Rawn (Wil, Som, Dev, Cor) - v жадно есть; делать борозду;
оставлять шрам; rawned - adj обезображенный
Ray (Som, Dev) - v украшать; одевать; раздевать; загрязнять
Read (Som) - n четвертый желудок у жвачных животных;
желудок животного; v советовать; предупреждать; объяснять; предполагать
Ream (Dev, Cor) - n сливки
Rear (Wil, Dev, Cor) - adj (о мясе, яйцах) полусырой,
недоваренный, недожаренный: Ah likes my bacon a bit rare; (о фруктах)
неспелый; (о погоде) сырой
Rear-mouse (Wil, Som, Dev) - n летучая мышь
Reck (Som) - n небольшая корзина
Reese (Cor) - v (о перезрелом зерне) опадать
Ridder, Riddle (Wil, Som, Cor) - n сито для зерна; v сеять зерно
Rind, Render, Rander, Rainder (Dev) - v перетопить масло или сало
Roak(e) (Wil) - n туман; пар; мелкий дождь
Rode (Cor) - n умение, сноровка, сообразительность
Rose, Rouse (Som, Dev, Cor) - v оползать, опускаться (о
земле); падать; n громкое падение; оползень
Rouse (Wil, Dev) - v опрыскивать
Rum (Dev) - adj отличный; превосходный; adv
сильно, вовсю, в превосходной степени
Sam (Wil, Som, Dev, Cor) - n, adj неготовый или
плохо приготовленный (о пище), плохо подогретый (о пище)
Sammy (Wil) - adj клеклый; мокрый; пропитанный водой; мягкий
Sang, Songle (Dev, Cor) - n пригоршня зерна; небольшой сноп
Sawk (Dev, Cor) - n застенчивый, нервный человек
Sax (Som, Dev, Cor) - n ноги; v разрезать
Scat, Scad (Dev, Cor) - n внезапный кратковременный
ливень; период (работы; погоды): a scat of fine weather
Scorse (Som, Dev, Cor) - v выменять, выторговать что-либо
Scovy (Som, Dev, Cor) - adj неодинаковый по цвету, пестрый
Scoy (Cor) - adj худой, плохой; маленький, незначительный
Scraw (Cor) - v просушивать рыбу на солнце и воздухе; жарить рыбу над огнем
Scrint (Com, Dev) - v гореть; спалить; поджигать
Scug (Cor) - n белка
Seam (Som, Dev, Cor) - n груз, поклажа (о лошади)
Sean (Dev, Cor) - n большая сеть для ловли рыбы
Shape (Wil) - v отправиться, уйти: We mun shape our
way home; пытаться что-либо сделать, осуществить
Shippen (Som, Dev, Cor) - n стойло для скота
Shut (Wil, Som) - v избавляться от чего-либо; тратить
деньги без меры, транжирить: He shut his addings in drink.
Sim, Zim (Wil) - n резкий запах (особенно от горящей веревки или кости)
Skeel (Wil) - n деревянное ведро; таз
Skeeling, Sheal, Shealing (Wil) - n сарай
Skit (Cor) - n насмешка; намек; скандал; шутка; анекдот;
v насмехаться над кем-либо; строить козни; сердиться; ругаться
Slade (Som, Cor) - n долина; углубление; небольшой ручей
Slock (Som, Dev, Cor) - v заманивать, соблазнять; n
болото, трясина; впадина между холмами
Sloke (Dev) - v прятаться
Smarry (Dev) - n женская кофта
Smoot, Smeut, Smoat, Smot, Smout, Smut, Smute (Som, Dev) - n
= Smeuse; v быть стеснительным; умирать, околевать (о
Sober (Dev) - adj серьезный, спокойный; бедный; слабый, больной
Sowl (Dev) - v трепать за уши; грубо обращаться; бить
Speer (Som) - v искать; спрашивать (тж. at);
следить, наблюдать (тж. с about, into, out); сделать предложение о
Spell (Som) - n рассказ, история; v рассказывать; ругать
Spend (Cor) - n дерн, трава
Spur (Cor) - n период времени (a pure spur, a bra’ spur
- долгое время): She has been gon a bra’ spur.
Stean (Wil, Som, Dev, Cor) - n глиняный сосуд
Steg (Wil) - n гусак; индюк; петух; неуклюжий человек
Stem (Wil, Som, Dev, Cor) - n период времени; период работы (смена)
Stout (Wil, Som) - n овод
Strad (Som, Dev) - n pl куски кожи, обвязываемые вокруг ноги, гетры
Stub (Som, Dev) - n большая сумма денег; большой запас
чего-либо: He lef’n a good stub; v разорять, доводить до
Sull (Wil, Som, Dev) - n плуг
Summer, Simmer (Wil, Som, Dev) - n горизонтальный, поперечный, брус; подпорка
Summering (Som, Dev) - n ежегодный праздник
Survey (Som, Dev, Cor) - n аукцион
Swale (Dev) - v жечь
Tallet (Wil, Som, Dev, Cor) - n помещение для хранения
сена на чердаке или над стойлом; чердак
Tave (Som) - v беситься, бушевать, бороться; выполнять
тяжелую работу; спешить; быстро идти; n трудность (в том числе
Tease (Som) - v разматывать
Teel (Wil, Cor, Som, Dev) - v прислонять к чему-либо;
открывать: tile a gate; не отступать от своего решения; упрямо делать
Teen (Cor, Dev) - n закрывать
Tell (Som, Cor) - v считать, рассчитывать: Did you
tell the clock when it stuck?; платить (обычно с out, down):
They must tell down good five pounds; приговорить (к какому-либо наказанию):
The judge told a man for hanging.
Temporary, Tempery, Tempory (Som) - adj слабый, хрупкий,
непрочный: My clock - warks are gettin’ rather temporary. Ye’re a
Temse (Wil) - n сито; v сеять, просеивать
Tetch (Som, Dev) - n походка; привычка; Tetchy
- adj раздражительный; (о погоде) переменчивый
Tewly (Wil) - adj слабый, нежный, болехненный, хрупкий;
поправляющийся, выздоравливающий (о больном)
Thirl (Som, Dev, Cor) - adj худой, тощий; голодный; (о колосе) пустой, без зерен
Throw (Som) - v родить, произвести: Thick mare’ll drow
a good colt; быть против чего-либо; спорить, не соглашаться; сердиться,
Tie (Som, Cor) - n пуховая перина; кровать
Tift (Dev) - v одевать, наряжать
Till, Toll (Dev, Cor) - v вручать, давать; достигнуть (чего-либо)
Tine (Wil, Som, Dev) - v закрывать; огораживать
Trant (Som) - v переносить тяжести
Trig (Wil, Som, Dev, Cor) - v укрепить, закрепить, заклинить, подпереть
Truff (Som, Dev, Cor) - n форель
Twire (Wil) - v пристально смотреть
Unco (Wil) - n pl известия, новости
Ure (Cor) - n грязь, глина
Vair (Som, Dev, Cor) - n ласка (животное)
Vlare (Som) - n дефект, изъян
Vreach (Som, Dev) - adj старательно, тщательно
Wairsh (Dev) - adj пресный, несоленый; безвкусный; сырой
Wake (Wil) - n прорубь на озере или на реке; деревенский праздник (pl)
Wall (Som) - v кипеть
Wang (Som) - n часть плуга; v гнуться, прогибаться (от груза); падать в обморок
Want (Som, Cor, Wil, Dev) - n крот
Warth (Som) - n луг (особенно близкий к ручью); берег
Wat (Cor) - n заяц
Weel, Weil (Cor) - n корзина из прутьев для ловли рыбы
Wem, Wen (Cor) - n пятно, изъян; дыра на одежде
Went, Vent, Want, Wint (Som, Cor, Dev) - n дорога, колея;
пересекающиеся дороги; v идти; скиснуть (о жидкостях, особенно о
Win (Som, Dev) - v сушить (злаки, сено, торф и т.д) на воздухе; n жатва
Wink (Cor) - n пивной магазин
Wride (Cor, Som, Dev) - v (о растениях) давать несколько
отростков от одного корня; распространяться; расширяться; n куст
Yote (Wil, Som) - v лить, выливать, поливать; глотать, жадно пить
1. In considering the history and development of the English language we
may maintain that a regional variety of English is a complex of regional
standard norms and dialects. We must admit, however, that rural dialects, in
the conservative sense of the word, are almost certainly dying out (e.g. the
Cornish language): increasing geographical mobility, centralization and
urbanization are undoubtedly factors in this decline. Owing to specific ways
of development, every regional variety is characterized by a set of features
identical to a variety of English.
In the United Kingdom RP is a unique national standard.
About seventy or so years ago along with regional types dozen upon dozens of
rural dialects co-existed side by side in the country. The situation has greatly
changed since and specifically after the Second World War. Dialects survive for
the most part in rural districts and England is a highly urbanized country
very few areas that are remote or difficult to access. Much of the regional
in pronunciation currently to be found in the country is gradually being
lost. On the
other hand, it is important to note that urban dialects are undergoing
of a new type, and the phonetic differences between urban varieties seem to
The United Kingdom is particular about accents, in the sense that here
prejudices many people hold towards non-standard pronunciations
Therefore RP has always been and still is the “prestigious” national
pronunciation, the so-called implicitly accepted social standard. In spite of
that RP speakers form a very small percentage of the British population, it
highest status of British English pronunciation and is genuinely regionless.
2. The comparative analysis of the phonetic system of the regional
varieties of English pronunciation shows the differences in the pronunciation
in the system of consonant and vowel phonemes.
3. The comparative analysis of the grammar presents the difference
between the standard language and the dialects of the South-West of England.
In conclusion we may say that the problems of the regional dialects (its
phonetic, grammar and lexical systems) open up wide vistas for further
B I B L I O G R A P H Y.
1. Бродович О.И. Диалектная вариативность английского языка: аспекты
теории. Л., 1988
2. Маковский М.М. Английская диалектология. Современные английские
диалекты Великобритании. М., 1980
3. Шахбагова Д.А. Фонетические особенности произносительных вариантов
английского языка. М., 1982
4. Allen B.H., Linn M.D. Dialect and language variation, Orlando, 1986
5. Brook G.L. English Dialects, Oxford Un. Press, 1963
6. Brook G.L. Varieties of English, Lnd, 1977
7. Cheshire J. Variation in an English dialect. A sociolinguistic study,
Cambridge Un. Press, 1982
8. Crystal D. The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English Language,
9. Encyclopedia Britannica CD 2000 Deluxe Edition
10. Gimson A.C. An Introduction to the Pronunciation of English, Lnd, 1981
11. Hughes and Trudgill, English accents and dialects: An introduction to
social and regional varieties of British English, Lnd, 1979
12. Malmstrom J., Weaver C Transgrammar. English structure, style and
dialects, Brighton, 1973
13. Shaw G.B. Pygmalion, NY, 1994
14. Sheerin S., Seath J., White G. Spotlight on Britain, Oxford, 1990
15. Shopen T., Williams J.M. Standards and dialects in English, Cambridge, 1980
16. Trudgill P. On dialect: Social and Geographical Perspectives, NY and
17. Trudgill P. Dialects in Contact, Oxford, 1986
18. Trudgill P., Chambers J.K. Dialects of English Studies in grammatical
variation. Longman, №9
19. Wakelin M.F. Discovering English Dialects, Shire Publications LTD, 1978
20. Hornby A.S. Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary of Current English,
Oxford Un. Press, 1996
Audio tapes analysed:
21. Accents, Glossa Melit, M., 2000
TV program analysed:
22. Holiday in the Southwest, the channel “Discovery”, 2000
The principal industries here are farming and tourism. There are some very
big farms, but most are small family farms with a mixture of cows, sheep and
crops. The main emphasis is on dairy products - milk and butter. On Exmoor
and Dartmoor, two areas of higher land, conditions are ideal for rearing
sheep and beef-cattle.
Industry is centered on three large ports: Bristol in the north, and
Portsmouth and Southampton in the south-east. In Bristol, aircraft are
designed and built. In Portsmouth and Southampton, the main industries are
shipbuilding and oil-refining.
1. Holiday time in the West Country.
The countries of Devon, Cornwall and Somerset are often called the West
Country. They have always been popular with holiday-makers, so there are a
large number of hotels, caravan - and camping-sites and private houses and
farms which offer bed and breakfast. There is a beautiful countryside, where
people can “get away from it all”, and the coastline offers the best beaches
and surfing in England. Also, the weather is usually warmer than in the rest
of the country.
2. West Country Food.
The national drink of Devon is a cream tea. This consists of a pot of tea and
scones served with strawberry jam and cream. The cream is not the same as
that found in the rest of the country. It is called clotted cream, and it is
much thicker and yellower than ordinary cream. And there is another national
dish called a Cornish pasty.
Pasties used to be the main food of Cornish miners fishermen about 150 years
ago, because they provided a convenient meal to take to work. They were made
of pastry which had either sweet or savoury fillings, and were marked with
the owner’s initials on one end. This was so that if he did not eat all his
pasty at once he would know which one belonged to him!
Somerset has always been famous for its cheeses. The most popular variety is
probably “Cheddar”, which is a firm cheese. It usually has a rather mild
flavour but if it is left to ripen, it tastes stronger, and is sold in the
shops as “mature Cheddar”. It takes its name from a small town, which is
also, a beauty-spot well-known for its caves, which contain stalagmites and
A West Country famous drink is Somerset cider or "Scrumpy" as it is called.
Cider is made from apples and is sold all over the United Kingdom, but
scrumpy is much stronger, and usually has small pieces of the fruit floating
The country of Wiltshire is most famous for the great stone monuments of
Stonehenge and Avebury, and the huge earth pyramid of Silbury. No written
records exist of the origins of these features and they have always been
surrounded by mystery.
Stonehenge is the best known and probably the most remarkable of prehistoric
remains in the UK. It has stood on Salisbury Plain for about 4000 years.
There have been many different theories about its original use and although
modern methods of investigation have extended our knowledge, no one is
certain why it was built.
One theory is that it was a place from where stars and planets could be
observed. It was discovered that the positions of some of the stones related
to the movements of the sun and moon, so that the stones could be used as a
calendar to predict such things as eclipses. At one time, people thought that
Stonehenge was a Druid temple. The Druids were a Celtic religious group who
was suppressed in Great Britain soon after the Roman Conquest. Some people
believe that they were a group of priests, while others regarded them as
medicine-men who practised human sacrifice and cannibalism.
Because Stonehenge had existed 1000 years before the arrival of the Druids,
this theory has been rejected, but it is possible that the Druids used it as
a temple. The theory is kept alive today by members of a group called the
“Most Ancient Order of Druids” who perform mystic rites at dawn on the summer
solstice. Every year, they meet at Stonehenge to greet the first midsummer
sunlight as it falls on the stones and they lay out symbolic elements of
fire, water, bread, salt and a rose.
Another interesting theory is that the great stone circle was used to store
terrestrial energy, which was then generated across the country, possibly
through “ley lines”. “Ley lines” is the name given to invisible lines, which
link up ancient sites through out Britain. They were thought to be tracks by
which prehistoric man travelled about the country, but now many people
believe that they are mysterious channels for a special kind of power.
4. The sea-ships and sailors.
The coastline of the Southwest of England stretches for 650 miles (over 1000
km), and has many different features: cliffs, sand, sheltered harbours,
estuaries and marshes. It is not surprising that much of the activity in this
region has been inspired by the sea.
Side by side on the south coast of Hampshire are the two ports of Portsmouth
and Southampton. Portsmouth is the home of the Royal Navy, and its dockyard
has a lot of interesting buildings and monuments. There is also the Royal
Naval museum, where the main attraction is Horatio Nelson’s flagship, the
Southampton, on the other hand, is a civilian port for continental ferries,
big liners, and oil and general cargo.
Many great sailors had associations with the West Country, for example, Sir
Walter Raleigh, the Elizabethan explorer, and Horatio Nelson, who lived in
Bath in Somerset. The most famous sailor of recent times, was Sir Francis
Chichester, who returned to Plymouth after sailing round the world alone in
In Bristol, to the north, one of the largest Victorian steamships, the “Great
Britain”, has been restored. It was the first iron ocean - going steamship in
the world and was designed by a civil and mechanical engineer with the
unusual name of Isambard Kingdom Brunel (1806-1859). He not only designed
three ships (including the first transatlantic steamer, the “Great Western”),
but also several docks and a new type of railway that enabled trains to
travel at greater speeds. He also designed the first ever tunnel underneath
the Thames and the Clifton Suspension Bridge.
Unfortunately, this coastline, in particular that of Cornwall, is famous - or
infamous - in another way too. The “foot” of Cornwall has the worst of the
winter gales, and in recorded history there have been more than fifteen
shipwrecks for every mile of coastline. There is even a shipwreck centre and
museum near St. Austell where there is an amazing collection of items that
have been taken from wrecks over the years.
There are a lot of stories about Cornish “wreckers” who, it is said, tied
lanterns to the tails of cows on cliff-tops or put them on lonely beaches
when the weather was bad, so that ships would sail towards the lights and
break up on the dangerous rocks near the coast. The wreckers would then be
able to steal anything valuable that was washed up on to the shore.
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